"Latinas" and "Latinos" redirect here. For other uses, see Latina and Latino.
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Ethnic group
Hispanic and Latino Americans in the U.S
Estadounidenses hispanos y latinos(Spanish) Estadunidenses hispânicos e latinos(Portuguese)
Hispanic and Latino Americans (Spanish: Estadounidenses hispanos y latinos; Portuguese: Estadunidenses hispânicos e latinos) are Americans (in U.S.A.) of full or partial Spanish and/or Latin American background, culture, or family origin.[3][4][5][6] These demographics include all Americans who identify as Hispanic or Latino regardless of race.[7][8][9][10][11][12] As of 2020, the Census Bureau estimated that there were almost 65.3 million Hispanics and Latinos living in the United States and its territories.
"Origin" can be viewed as the ancestry, nationality group, lineage or country of birth of the person or the person's parents or ancestors before their arrival in the United States of America. People who identify as Hispanic or Latino may be of any race, because similarly to what occurred during the colonization and post-independence of the United States, Latin American countries had their populations made up of multiracial and monoracial descendants of white European colonizers, indigenous peoples of the Americas, descendants of black African slaves, and post-independence immigrants from Europe, Middle East, and East Asia.[13][14][15][16] As one of the only two specifically designated categories of ethnicity in the United States, Hispanics and Latinos form a pan-ethnicity incorporating a diversity of inter-related cultural and linguistic heritages, the use of the Spanish and Portuguese languages being the most important of all. The largest national origin groups of Hispanic and Latino Americans in order of population size are: Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, Salvadoran, Dominican, Brazilian, Colombian, Guatemalan, Honduran, Ecuadorian, Peruvian, Venezuelan, or Nicaraguan origin. The predominant origin of regional Hispanic and Latino populations varies widely in different locations across the country.[14][17][18][19][20] In 2012, Hispanic Americans were the second fastest-growing ethnic group by percentage growth in the United States after Asian Americans.[21]
Multiracial Americans of Indigenous American descent and European (typically Spanish) descent are the second oldest racial group (after the Native Americans) to inhabit much of what is today the United States.[22][23][24][25] Spain colonized large areas of what is today the American Southwest and West Coast, as well as Florida. Its holdings included present-day California, Texas, New Mexico, Nevada, Utah, Arizona, and Florida, all of which constituted part of the Viceroyalty of New Spain, based in Mexico City. Later, this vast territory became part of Mexico after its independence from Spain in 1821 and until the end of the Mexican–American War in 1848. Hispanic immigrants to the New York/New Jersey metropolitan area derive from a broad spectrum of Hispanic countries.[26]
The terms Hispanic and Latino refer to an ethnicity. Hispanic first came into popular use to refer to individuals with origins in Spanish-speaking countries after the Office of Management and Budget created the classification in 1977, as proposed by a subcommittee composed of three government employees, a Cuban, Mexican, and Puerto Rican American.[27] The United States Census Bureau defines being Hispanic as being a member of an ethnicity, rather than being a member of a particular race and thus, people who are members of this group may also be members of any race.[14][28][29] In a 2015 national survey of self-identified Hispanics, 56% said that being Hispanic is part of both their racial and ethnic background, while smaller numbers considered it part of their ethnic background only (19%) or racial background only (11%).[28] Hispanics may be of any linguistic background; in a 2015 survey, 71% of American Hispanics agreed that it "is not necessary for a person to speak Spanish to be considered Hispanic/Latino".[30] Hispanic and Latino people may share some commonalities in their language, culture, history, and heritage. According to the Smithsonian Institution, the term Latino includes peoples with Portuguese roots, such as Brazilians, as well as those of Spanish-language origin.[31][32] The difference between the terms Hispanic and Latino is ambiguous to some people.[33] The US Census Bureau equates the two terms and defines them as referring to anyone from Spain or the Spanish- or Portuguese-speaking countries of the Americas. After the Mexican–American War concluded in 1848, term Hispanic or Spanish American was primarily used to describe the Hispanos of New Mexico within the American Southwest. The 1970 United States census controversially broadened the definition to "a person of Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, Dominican, South or Central American, or other Spanish culture or origin, regardless of race". This is now the common formal and colloquial definition of the term within the United States, outside of New Mexico.[34][35] This definition is consistent with the 21st century usage by the US Census Bureau and OMB, as the two agencies use both terms Hispanic and Latino interchangeably. The Pew Research Center believes that the term Hispanic is strictly limited to Spain, Puerto Rico, and all countries where Spanish is the only official language whereas "Latino" includes all countries in Latin America (even Brazil regardless of the fact that Portuguese is its only official language), but it does not include Spain and Portugal.[3]
The terms Latino and Latina are loan words from Italy and are ultimately from ancient Rome. In English, the term Latino is a condensed form of "latinoamericano", the Spanish term for a Latin American, or someone who comes from Latin America. The term Latino has developed a number of definitions. This definition, as a "male Latin American inhabitant of the United States",[36] is the oldest definition which is used in the United States, it was first used in 1946.[36] Under this definition a Mexican American or Puerto Rican, for example, is both a Hispanic and a Latino. A Brazilian American is also a Latino by this definition, which includes those of Portuguese-speaking origin from Latin America.[37][38][39][40][41][42] In English, Italian Americans are not considered "Latino", as they are for the most part descended from immigrants from Europe rather than Latin America, unless they happen to have had recent history in a Latin American country.
Preference of use between the terms among Hispanics in the United States often depends on where users of the respective terms reside. Those in the Eastern United States tend to prefer the term Hispanic, whereas those in the West tend to prefer Latino.[13]
The US ethnic designation Latino is abstracted from the longer form latinoamericano.[43] The element Latino- is actually an indeclinable, compositional form in -o (i.e. an elemento compositivo) that is employed to coin compounded formations (similar as franco- in francocanadiense 'French-Canadian', or ibero- in iberorrománico,[44] etc.).
The term Latinx (and similar neologismXicanx) have gained some usage.[46][47] The adoption of the X would be "[r]eflecting new consciousness inspired by more recent work by LGBTQI and feminist movements, some Spanish-speaking activists are increasingly using a yet more inclusive "x" to replace the "a" and "o", in a complete break with the gender binary.[48] Among the advocates of the term LatinX, one of the most frequently cited complaints of gender bias in the Spanish language is that a group of mixed or unknown gender would be referred to as Latinos, whereas Latinas refers to a group of women only (but this is changed immediately to Latinos, if even a single man joins this female group).[49] A 2020 Pew Research Center survey found that about 3% of Hispanics use the term (mostly women), and only around 23% have even heard of the term. Of those, 65% said it should not be used to describe their ethnic group.[50]
Some have pointed out that the term "Hispanic" refers to a pan-ethnic identity, one that spans a range of races, national origins, and linguistic backgrounds. "Terms like Hispanic and Latino do not fully capture how we see ourselves", says Geraldo Cadava, an associate professor of history and Hispanic studies at Northwestern University.[51]
This section needs expansion with: more about the 19th and 20th centuries. You can help by adding to it. (January 2010)
16th and 17th centuries
Spanish explorers were pioneers in the territory of the present-day United States. The first confirmed European landing in the continental United States was by Juan Ponce de León, who landed in 1513 at a lush shore he christened La Florida. In the next three decades, the Spanish became the first Europeans to reach the Appalachian Mountains, the Mississippi River, the Grand Canyon and the Great Plains. Spanish ships sailed along the Atlantic Coast, penetrating to present-day Bangor, Maine, and up the Pacific Coast as far as Oregon. From 1528 to 1536, Álvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca and three fellows (including an African named Estevanico), from a Spanish expedition that foundered, journeyed from Florida to the Gulf of California. In 1540, Hernando de Soto undertook an extensive exploration of the present United States.
Spanish settlements in the Americas were part of a broader network of trade routes that connected Europe, Africa, and the Americas. The Spanish established trade connections with indigenous peoples, exchanging goods such as furs, hides, agricultural products, and manufactured goods. These trade networks contributed to the economic development of Spanish colonies and facilitated cultural exchange between different groups.
The discovery of gold in California in 1848 attracted people from diverse backgrounds, including Hispanic and Latino miners, merchants, and settlers. The Gold Rush led to a population boom and rapid economic growth in California, transforming the social and political landscape of the region.
Many Hispanic natives lived in the areas that the United States acquired, and a new wave of Mexican, Central American, Caribbean, and South American immigrants had moved to the United States for new opportunities. This was the beginning of a demographic that would rise dramatically over the years.[58]
20th and 21st centuries
During the 20th and 21st centuries, Hispanic immigration to the United States increased markedly following changes to the immigration law in 1965.[61] During the World Wars, Hispanic Americans and immigrants had helped stabilize the American economy from falling due to the industrial boom in the Midwest in states such as Michigan, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, Wisconsin, and Minnesota. While a percentage of Americans had fled their jobs for the war, Hispanics had taken their jobs in the Industrial world. This can explain why there is such a high concentration of Hispanic Americans in Metro Areas such as the Chicago-Elgin-Naperville, Detroit-Warren-Dearborn, and Cleveland-Elyria areas.[58]
Hispanic and Latino Americans were actively involved in the broader civil rights movement of the 20th century, advocating for equal rights, social justice, and an end to discrimination and segregation. Organizations such as the League of United Latin American Citizens (LULAC) and the United Farm Workers (UFW) fought for the rights of Hispanic and Latino workers and communities.
Hispanic contributions in the historical past and present of the United States are addressed in more detail below (See Notables and their contributions). To recognize the current and historic contributions of Hispanic Americans, on September 17, 1968, President Lyndon B. Johnson designated a week in mid-September as National Hispanic Heritage Week, with Congress's authorization. In 1988, President Ronald Reagan extended the observance to a month, designated National Hispanic Heritage Month.[62][63] Hispanic Americans became the largest minority group in 2004.[64]
Hispanic and Latino Americans increasingly sought political representation and empowerment during the 20th century. The election of individuals such as Edward Roybal, Henry B. González, and Dennis Chávez to Congress marked significant milestones in Hispanic political representation. Additionally, the appointment of individuals like Lauro Cavazos and Bill Richardson to cabinet positions highlighted the growing influence of Hispanic and Latino leaders in government.
Hispanic and Latino Americans became the largest minority group in the United States, contributing significantly to the country's population growth. Efforts to preserve and promote Hispanic and Latino culture and heritage continued in the 21st century, including initiatives to support bilingual education, celebrate cultural traditions and festivals, and recognize the contributions of Hispanic and Latino individuals and communities to American society.
As of 2020, Hispanics accounted for 19–20% of the US population, or 62–65 million people.[65] The US Census Bureau later estimated that Hispanics were under-counted by 5.0% or 3.3 million persons in the US census, which explains the 3 million range in the number above. In contrast, Whites were over-counted by about 3 million.[66] The Hispanic growth rate over the April 1, 2000 to July 1, 2007, period was 28.7%—about four times the rate of the nation's total population growth (at 7.2%).[67] The growth rate from July 1, 2005, to July 1, 2006, alone was 3.4%[68]—about three and a half times the rate of the nation's total population growth (at 1.0%).[67] Based on the 2010 census, Hispanics are now the largest minority group in 191 out of 366 metropolitan areas in the United States.[69] The projected Hispanic population of the United States for July 1, 2050 is 132.8 million people, or 30.2% of the nation's total projected population on that date.[70]
As of 2022, approximately 60.1% of the nation's Hispanic population were of Mexican origin (see table). Another 9.6% were of Puerto Rican origin, and with about 3.9% each of Cuban and Salvadoran and about 3.7% Dominican origins.[75] The remainder were of other Central American or of South American origin, or of origin directly from Spain. In 2017, Two thirds of all Hispanic Americans were born in the United States.[77]
There are few immigrants directly from Spain, since Spaniards have historically emigrated to Hispanic America rather than to English-speaking countries. Because of this, most Hispanics who identify themselves as Spaniard or Spanish also identify with Hispanic American national origin. In the 2017 Census estimate approximately 1.76 million Americans reported some form of "Spanish" as their ancestry, whether directly from Spain or not.[75]
In northern New Mexico and southern Colorado, there is a large portion of Hispanics who trace their ancestry to settlers from New Spain (Mexico), and sometimes Spain itself, in the late 16th century through the 17th century. People from this background often self-identify as "Hispanos", "Spanish" or "Hispanic". Many of these settlers also intermarried with local Native Americans, creating a mestizo population.[78] Likewise, southern Louisiana is home to communities of people of Canary Islands descent, known as Isleños, in addition to other people of Spanish ancestry. Californios, Nuevomexicanos and Tejanos are Americans of Spanish and/or Mexican descent, with subgroups that sometimes call themselves Chicanos. Nuevomexicanos and Tejanos are distinct southwest Hispanic cultures with their own cuisines, dialects and musical traditions.
Hispanics come from multi-racial and multi-ethnic countries with diversity of origins; therefore, a Hispanic can be from any race or mix of races. The most common ancestries are: Native American, European and African. Many also have colonial era New Christian Sephardic Jewish ancestry.[79] As a result of their racial diversity, Hispanics form an ethnicity sharing a language (Spanish) and cultural heritage, rather than a race.
On the 2020 United States census, 20.3% of Hispanics selected "White" as their race. This marked a large drop when compared to the 2010 United States census in which 53.0% of Hispanics identified as "White".[80] These Hispanics make up 12,579,626 people or 3.8% of the population.
Over 42% of Hispanic Americans identify as "some other race".[81] Of all Americans who checked the box "Some Other Race", 97 percent were Hispanic.[82] These Hispanics make up 26,225,882 people or 42.2% of the Hispanic population.
Over half of the "two or more races" respondents were Hispanics.[83] These Hispanics make up 20,299,960 people or 32.7% of the Hispanic population.
The largest numbers of Black Hispanics are from the Spanish Caribbean islands, including the Cuban, Dominican, Panamanian and Puerto Rican communities.
In Puerto Rico, people have some Native Indigenous American ancestry as well as European and Canary Islander ancestry. There's also a population of predominantly African descent as well as populations of Native American descent as well as those with intermixed ancestries. Cubans are mostly of Iberian and Canary Islander ancestry, with some heritage from Native Indigenous Caribbean. There are also populations of Black Sub-Saharan ancestry and multi-racial people.[84][85][86] The race and culture of each Hispanic country and their United States diaspora differs by history and geography.
Welch and Sigelman found, as of the year 2000, lower interaction between Latinos of different nationalities (such as between Cubans and Mexicans) than between Latinos and non-Latinos.[87] This is a reminder that while they are often treated as such, Latinos in the United States are not a monolith, and often view their own ethnic or national identity as vastly different from that of other Latinos.[87]
Racial Demographics of Hispanic Americans Between 1970 and 2020[88][89][90][91][92]
An automosal DNA study published in 2019, focusing specifically on Native American ancestry in different ethnic/racial groups within the US, found that self-identified Hispanic Americans had a higher average amount of Native American ancestry compared to Black and non-Hispanic White Americans. On average, Hispanic Americans were found to be just over half European, around 38% Native American, and less than 10% African.[93][94] However, these results, being an average of the entire Hispanic population, vary sharply between individuals and between regions. Hispanic participants from the West Coast and West South Central regions, where the Hispanic population is predominantly Mexican-American,[95] had an average of 43% Native American ancestry.[94] On the other hand, those from the Mid-Atlantic region, where the Hispanic population is predominantly of Puerto Rican or Dominican descent,[96] averaged only 11% Native American ancestry.[94]
Age
As of 2014, one third, or 17.9 million, of the Hispanic population was younger than 18 and a quarter, 14.6 million, were Millennials. This makes them more than half of the Hispanic population within the United States.[97]
With the increasing Hispanic population in the United States, Hispanics have had a considerable impact on the K–12 system. In 2011–12, Hispanics comprised 24% of all enrollments in the United States, including 52% and 51% of enrollment in California and Texas, respectively.[98] Further research shows the Hispanic population will continue to grow in the United States, implicating that more Hispanics will populate US schools.
The state of Hispanic education shows some promise. First, Hispanic students attending pre-K or kindergarten were more likely to attend full-day programs.[98] Second, Hispanics in elementary education were the second largest group represented in gifted and talented programs.[98] Third, Hispanics' average NAEP math and reading scores have consistently increased over the last 10 years.[98] Finally, Hispanics were more likely than other groups, including White people, to go to college.[98]
However, their academic achievement in early childhood, elementary, and secondary education lag behind other groups.[98] For instance, their average math and reading NAEP scores were lower than every other group, except African Americans, and have the highest dropout rate of any group, 13% despite decreasing from 24%.[98]
To explain these disparities, some scholars have suggested there is a Hispanic "Education Crisis" due to failed school and social policies.[99] To this end, scholars have further offered several potential reasons including language barriers, poverty, and immigrant/nativity status resulting in Hispanics not performing well academically.[100][101]
English-language learners
Currently, Hispanic students make up 80% of English-language learners in the United States.[102] In 2008–2009, 5.3 million students were classified as English Language Learners (ELLs) in pre-K to 12th grade.[103] This is a result of many students entering the education system at different ages, although the majority of ELLs are not foreign born.[103] In order to provide English instruction for Hispanic students there have been a multitude of English Language programs. Schools make demands when it comes to English fluency. There are test requirements to certify students who are non-native English speakers in writing, speaking, reading, and listening, for example. They take an ELPAC test, which evaluates their English efficiency. This assessment determines whether they are considered ELL students or not. For Hispanic students, being an ELL student will have a big impact because it's additional pressure to pass an extra exam apart from their own original classes. Furthermore, if the exam is not passed before they attend high school, the student will fall behind in their courses due to the additional ELD courses instead of taking their normal classes in that year.[104] However, the great majority of these programs are English Immersion, which arguably undermines the students' culture and knowledge of their primary language.[101] As such, there continues to be great debate within schools as to which program can address these language disparities.
Immigration status
There are more than five million ELLs from all over the world attending public schools in the United States and speaking at least 460 different languages.[104] Undocumented immigrants have not always had access to compulsory education in the United States. However, since the landmark Supreme Court case Plyler v. Doe in 1982, immigrants have received access to K-12 education. This significantly impacted all immigrant groups, including Hispanics. However, their academic achievement is dependent upon several factors including, but not limited to time of arrival and schooling in country of origin.[105] When non-native speakers arrive to the United States, the student not only enters a new country, language or culture, but they also enter a testing culture to determine everything from their placements to advancement into the next grade level in their education.[104] Moreover, Hispanics' immigration/nativity status plays a major role regarding their academic achievement. For instance, first- and second- generation Hispanics outperform their later generational counterparts.[106] Additionally, their aspirations appear to decrease as well.[107] This has major implications on their post-secondary futures.
Simultaneous bilingualism
There is a term "simultaneous bilinguals" it is emerged on the research from Guadalupe Valdez [108] she states that it is used by individuals who acquire two languages as a "first" language; that most American circumstantial bilinguals acquire their ethnic or immigrant language first and then acquire English. The period of acquisition of the second language is known as incipient bilingualism.
Hispanic higher education
Those with a bachelor's degree or higher ranges from 50% of Venezuelans compared to 18% for Ecuadorians 25 years and older. Amongst the largest Hispanic groups, those with a bachelor's or higher was 25% for Cubans, 16% of Puerto Ricans, 15% of Dominicans, and 11% for Mexicans. Over 21% of all second-generation Dominican Americans have college degrees, slightly below the national average (28%) but significantly higher than US-born Mexican Americans (13%) and US-born Puerto Rican Americans (12%).[110]
Hispanics make up the second or third largest ethnic group in Ivy League universities, considered to be the most prestigious in the United States. Hispanic enrollment at Ivy League universities has gradually increased over the years. Today, Hispanics make up between 8% of students at Yale University to 15% at Columbia University.[111] For example, 18% of students in the Harvard University Class of 2018 are Hispanic.[112]
While Hispanics study in colleges and universities throughout the country, some choose to attend federally-designated Hispanic-serving institutions, institutions that are accredited, degree-granting, public or private nonprofit institutions of higher education with 25 percent or more total undergraduate Hispanic full-time equivalent (FTE) student enrollment. There are over 270 institutions of higher education that have been designated as an HSI.[115]
Universities with the largest Hispanic undergraduate enrollment (2013)[116]
As of 2016, life expectancy for Hispanic Americans is 81.8 years, which is higher than the life expectancy for White Americans (78.6 years).[130] Research on the "Hispanic paradox"—the well-established apparent mortality advantage of Hispanic Americans compared to White Americans, despite the latter's more advantaged socioeconomic status—has been principally explained by "(1) health-related migration to and from the US; and (2) social and cultural protection mechanisms, such as maintenance of healthy lifestyles and behaviors adopted in the countries of origin, and availability of extensive social networks in the US."[131] The "salmon bias" hypothesis, which suggests that the Hispanic health advantage is attributable to higher rates of return migration among less-healthy migrants, has received some support in the scholarly literature.[132] A 2019 study, examining the comparatively better health of foreign-born American Hispanics, challenged the hypothesis that a stronger orientation toward the family (familism) contributed to this advantage.[133] Some scholars have suggested that the Hispanic mortality advantage is likely to disappear due to the higher rates of obesity and diabetes among Hispanics relative to White people, although lower rates of smoking (and thus smoking-attributable mortality) among Hispanics may counteract this to some extent.[131]
Healthcare
As of 2017, about 19% of Hispanic Americans lack health insurance coverage, which is the highest of all ethnic groups except for Indigenous Americans and Alaska Natives.[134] In terms of extending health coverage, Hispanics benefited the most among US ethnic groups from the Affordable Care Act (ACA); among non-elderly Hispanics, the uninsured rate declined from 26.7% in 2013 to 14.2% in 2017.[134] Among the population of non-elderly uninsured Hispanic population in 2017, about 53% were non-citizens, about 39% were US-born citizens, and about 9% were naturalized citizens.[134] (The ACA does not help undocumented immigrants or legal immigrants with less than five years' residence in the United States gain coverage).[134]
According to a 2013 study, Mexican women have the highest uninsured rate (54.6%) as compared to other immigrants (26.2%), Black (22.5%) and White (13.9%).[135] According to the study, Mexican women are the largest female immigrant group in the United States and are also the most at risk for developing preventable health conditions.[135] Multiple factors such as limited access to health care, legal status and income increase the risk of developing preventable health conditions because many undocumented immigrants postpone routine visits to the doctor until they become seriously ill.
Mental health
Family separation
Some families who are in the process of illegally crossing borders can suffer being caught and separated by border patrol agents. Migrants are also in danger of separation if they do not bring sufficient resources such as water for all members to continue crossing. Once illegal migrants have arrived to the new country, they may fear workplace raids where illegal immigrants are detained and deported.
Family separation puts US-born children, undocumented children and their illegal immigrant parents at risk for depression and family maladaptive syndrome. The effects are often long-term and the impact extends to the community level. Children may experience emotional traumas and long-term changes in behaviors. Additionally, when parents are forcefully removed, children often develop feelings of abandonment and they might blame themselves for what has happened to their family. Some children that are victims to illegal border crossings that result in family separation believe in the possibility of never seeing their parents again. These effects can cause negative parent-child attachment. Reunification may be difficult because of immigration laws and re-entry restrictions which further affect the mental health of children and parents.[136] Parents who leave their home country also experience negative mental health experiences. According to a study published in 2013, 46% of Mexican migrant men who participated in the study reported elevated levels of depressive symptoms.[137] In recent years, the length of stay for migrants has increased, from 3 years to nearly a decade.[137] Migrants who were separated from their families, either married or single, experienced greater depression than married men accompanied by their spouses.[137] Furthermore, the study also revealed that men who are separated from their families are more prone to harsher living conditions such as overcrowded housing and are under a greater deal of pressure to send remittance to support their families. These conditions put additional stress on the migrants and often worsen their depression. Families who migrated together experience better living conditions, receive emotional encouragement and motivation from each other, and share a sense of solidarity. They are also more likely to successfully navigate the employment and health care systems in the new country, and are not pressured to send remittances back home.
Vulnerabilities
The Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 significantly changed how the United States dealt with immigration. Under this new law, immigrants who overstayed their visas or were found to be in the United States illegally were subject to be detained and/or deported without legal representation. Immigrants who broke these laws may not be allowed back into the country. Similarly, this law made it more difficult for other immigrants who want to enter the United States or gain legal status. These laws also expanded the types of offenses that can be considered worthy of deportation for documented immigrants.[136] Policies enacted by future presidents further limit the number of immigrants entering the country and their expedited removal.
Many illegal immigrant families cannot enjoy doing everyday activities without exercising caution because they fear encountering immigration officers which limits their involvement in community events. Undocumented families also do not trust government institutions and services. Because of their fear of encountering immigration officers, illegal immigrants often feel ostracized and isolated which can lead to the development of mental health issues such as depression and anxiety.[136] The harmful effects of being ostracized from the rest of society are not limited to just that of undocumented immigrants but it affects the entire family even if some of the members are of legal status. Children often reported having been victims of bullying in school by classmates because their parents are undocumented.[138] This can cause them to feel isolated and develop a sense of inferiority which can negatively impact their academic performance.
Stress
Despite the struggles Hispanic families encounter, they have found ways to keep motivated. Many immigrants use religion as a source of motivation. Mexican immigrants believed that the difficulties they face are a part of God's bigger plan and believe their life will get better in the end. They kept their faith strong and pray every day, hoping that God will keep their families safe.[138] Immigrants participate in church services and bond with other immigrants that share the same experiences.[136] Undocumented Hispanics also find support from friends, family and the community that serve as coping mechanisms. Some Hispanics state that their children are the reason they have the strength to keep on going. They want their children to have a future and give them things they are not able to have themselves.[138] The community is able to provide certain resources that immigrant families need such as tutoring for their children, financial assistance and counseling services.[136] Some identified that maintaining a positive mental attitude helped them cope with the stresses they experience. Many immigrants refuse to live their life in constant fear which leads to depression in order to enjoy life in the United States.[138] Since many immigrants have unstable sources of income, many plan ahead in order to prevent future financial stress. They put money aside and find ways to save money instead of spend it such as learning to fix appliances themselves.[138]
Poverty
Many Hispanic families migrate to find better economic opportunities in order to send remittances back home. Being undocumented limits the possibilities of jobs that immigrants undertake and many struggle to find a stable job. Many Hispanics report that companies turned them down because they do not have a Social Security number. If they are able to obtain a job, immigrants risk losing it if their employer finds out they are unable to provide proof of residency or citizenship. Many look towards agencies that do not ask for identification, but those jobs are often unreliable. In order to prevent themselves from being detained and deported, many have to work under exploitation. In a study, a participant reported "If someone knows that you don't have the papers ... that person is a danger. Many people will con them ... if they know you don't have the papers, with everything they say 'hey I'm going to call immigration on you.'".[138] These conditions lower the income that Hispanic families bring to their household and some find living each day very difficult. When an undocumented parent is deported or detained, income will be lowered significantly if the other parent also supports the family financially. The parent who is left has to look after the family and might find working difficult to manage along with other responsibilities. Even if families are not separated, Hispanics are constantly living in fear that they will lose their economic footing.
Living in poverty has been linked to depression, low self-esteem, loneliness, crime activities and frequent drug use among youth.[136] Families with low incomes are unable to afford adequate housing and some of them are evicted. The environment in which the children of undocumented immigrants grow up in is often composed of poor air quality, noise, and toxins which prevent healthy development.[136] Furthermore, these neighborhoods are prone to violence and gang activities, forcing the families to live in constant fear which can contribute to the development of PTSD, aggression and depression.
In 2017, the US census reported the median household incomes of Hispanic Americans to be $50,486. This is the third consecutive annual increase in median household income for Hispanic-origin households.[90]
Poverty
According to the US census, the poverty rate Hispanics was 18.3 percent in 2017, down from 19.4 percent in 2016. Hispanics accounted for 10.8 million individuals in poverty.[90] In comparison, the average poverty rates in 2017 for non-Hispanic White Americans was 8.7 percent with 17 million individuals in poverty, Asian Americans was 10.0 percent with 2 million individuals in poverty, and African Americans was 21.2 percent with 9 million individuals in poverty.[90]
Among the largest Hispanic groups during 2015 was: Honduran Americans & Dominican Americans (27%), Guatemalan Americans (26%), Puerto Ricans (24%), Mexican Americans (23%), Salvadoran Americans (20%), Cuban Americans and Venezuelan Americans (17%), Ecuadorian Americans (15%), Nicaraguan Americans (14%), Colombian Americans (13%), Argentinian Americans (11%), and Peruvian Americans (10%).[140]
Poverty affects many underrepresented students as racial/ethnic minorities tend to stay isolated within pockets of low-income communities. This results in several inequalities, such as "school offerings, teacher quality, curriculum, counseling and all manner of things that both keep students engaged in school and prepare them to graduate".[141] In the case of Hispanics, the poverty rate for Hispanic children in 2004 was 28.6 percent.[102] Moreover, with this lack of resources, schools reproduce these inequalities for generations to come. In order to assuage poverty, many Hispanic families can turn to social and community services as resources.
The geographic, political, social, economic and racial diversity of Hispanic Americans makes all Hispanics very different depending on their family heritage and/or national origin. Many times, there are many cultural similarities between Hispanics from neighboring countries than from more distant countries, i.e. Spanish Caribbean, Southern Cone, Central America etc. Yet several features tend to unite Hispanics from these diverse backgrounds.
As one of the most important uniting factors of Hispanic Americans, Spanish is an important part of Hispanic culture. Teaching Spanish to children is often one of the most valued skills taught amongst Hispanic families. Spanish is not only closely tied with the person's family, heritage, and overall culture, but valued for increased opportunities in business and one's future professional career. A 2013 Pew Research survey showed that 95% of Hispanics adults said "it's important that future generations of Hispanics speak Spanish".[142][143] Given the United States' proximity to other Spanish-speaking countries, Spanish is being passed on to future American generations. Amongst second-generation Hispanics, 80% speak fluent Spanish, and amongst third-generation Hispanics, 40% speak fluent Spanish.[144] Spanish is also the most popular language taught in the United States.[145][146]
Hispanics have revived the Spanish language in the United States, first brought to North America during the Spanish colonial period in the 16th century. Spanish is the oldest European language in the United States, spoken uninterruptedly for four and a half centuries, since the founding of Saint Augustine, Florida in 1565.[147][148][149][150] Today, 90% of all Hispanics speak English, and at least 78% speak fluent Spanish.[151] Additionally, 2.8 million non-Hispanic Americans also speak Spanish at home for a total of 41.1 million.[92]
With 40% of Hispanic Americans being immigrants,[152] and with many of the 60% who are US-born being the children or grandchildren of immigrants, bilingualism is the norm in the community at large. At home, at least 69% of all Hispanics over the age of five are bilingual in English and Spanish, whereas up to 22% are monolingual English-speakers, and 9% are monolingual Spanish speakers. Another 0.4% speak a language other than English and Spanish at home.[151]
The Spanish dialects spoken in the United States differ depending on the country of origin of the person or the person's family heritage. However, generally, Spanish spoken in the Southwest is Mexican Spanish or Chicano Spanish. A variety of Spanish native to the Southwest spoken by descendants of the early Spanish colonists in New Mexico and Colorado is known as Traditional New Mexican Spanish. One of the major distinctions of Traditional New Mexican Spanish is its use of distinct vocabulary and grammatical forms that make New Mexican Spanish unique amongst Spanish dialects. The Spanish spoken in the East Coast is generally Caribbean Spanish and is heavily influenced by the Spanish of Cuba, the Dominican Republic, and Puerto Rico. Isleño Spanish, descended from Canarian Spanish, is the historic Spanish dialect spoken by the descendants of the earliest Spanish colonists beginning in the 18th century in Louisiana. Spanish spoken elsewhere throughout the country varies, although is generally Mexican Spanish.[92][156]
Heritage Spanish speakers tend to speak Spanish with near-native level phonology, but a more limited command of morphosyntax.[157] Hispanics who speak Spanish as a second language often speak with English accents.
Hispanics have influenced the way Americans speak with the introduction of many Spanish words into the English language. Amongst younger generations of Hispanics, Spanglish, a term for any mix of Spanish and English, is common in speaking. As they are fluent in both languages, speakers will often switch between Spanish and English throughout the conversation. Spanglish is particularly common in Hispanic-majority cities and communities such as Miami, Hialeah, San Antonio, Los Angeles and parts of New York City.[158]
Hispanics have also influenced the way English is spoken in the United States. In Miami, for example, the Miami dialect has evolved as the most common form of English spoken and heard in Miami today. This is a native dialect of English, and was developed amongst second and third generations of Cuban Americans in Miami. Today, it is commonly heard everywhere throughout the city. Gloria Estefan and Enrique Iglesias are examples of people who speak with the Miami dialect. Another major English dialect, is spoken by Chicanos and Tejanos in the Southwestern United States, called Chicano English. George Lopez and Selena are examples of speakers of Chicano English.[159] An English dialect spoken by Puerto Ricans and other Hispanic groups is called New York Latino English; Jennifer Lopez and Cardi B are examples of people who speak with the New York Latino dialect.
When speaking in English, American Hispanics may often insert Spanish tag and filler items such as tú sabes, este, and órale, into sentences as a marker of ethnic identity and solidarity. The same often occurs with grammatical words like pero.[160]
Religion
According to a Pew Center study which was conducted in 2019, the majority of Hispanic Americans are Christians (72%),[161] Among American Hispanics, as of 2018–19, 47% are Catholic, 24% are Protestant, 1% are Mormon, less than 1% are Orthodox Christian, 3% are members of non-Christian faiths, and 23% are unaffiliated.[161] The proportion of Hispanics who are Catholic has dropped from 2009 (when it was 57%), while the proportion of unaffiliated Hispanics has increased since 2009 (when it was 15%).[161] Among Hispanic Protestant community, most are evangelical, but some belong to mainline denominations.[162] Compared to Catholic, unaffiliated, and mainline Protestant Hispanics; Evangelical Protestant Hispanics are substantially more likely to attend services weekly, pray daily, and adhere to biblical liberalism.[162] As of 2014, about 67% of Hispanic Protestants and about 52% of Hispanic Catholics were renewalist, meaning that they described themselves as Pentecosal or charismatic Christians (in the Catholic tradition, called Catholic charismatic renewal).[163]
Catholic affiliation is much higher among first-generation Hispanic immigrants than it is among second and third-generation Hispanic immigrants, who exhibit a fairly high rate of conversion to Protestantism or the unaffiliated camp.[164] According to Andrew Greeley, as many as 600,000 American Hispanics leave Catholicism for Protestant churches every year, and this figure is much higher in Texas and Florida.[165] Hispanic Catholics are developing youth and social programs to retain members.[166]
The United States is home to thousands of Spanish-language media outlets, which range in size from giant commercial and some non-commercial broadcasting networks and major magazines with circulations numbering in the millions, to low-power AM radio stations with listeners numbering in the hundreds. There are hundreds of Internet media outlets targeting US Hispanic consumers. Some of the outlets are online versions of their printed counterparts and some online exclusively.
Increased use of Spanish-language media leads to increased levels of group consciousness, according to survey data. The differences in attitudes are due to the diverging goals of Spanish-language and English-language media. The effect of using Spanish-language media serves to promote a sense of group consciousness among Hispanics by reinforcing roots in the Hispanic world and the commonalities among Hispanics of varying national origin.[170][171]
The first Hispanic-American owned major film studio in the United States is based in Atlanta, Georgia. In 2017, Ozzie and Will Areu purchased Tyler Perry's former studio to establish Areu Bros. Studios.[172][173]
Radio
Spanish language radio is the largest non-English broadcasting media.[174] While other foreign language broadcasting declined steadily, Spanish broadcasting grew steadily from the 1920s to the 1970s. The 1930s were boom years.[175] The early success depended on the concentrated geographical audience in Texas and the Southwest.[176] American stations were close to Mexico which enabled a steady circular flow of entertainers, executives and technicians, and stimulated the creative initiatives of Hispanic radio executives, brokers, and advertisers. Ownership was increasingly concentrated in the 1960s and 1970s. The industry sponsored the now-defunct trade publication Sponsor from the late 1940s to 1968.[177] Spanish-language radio has influenced American and Hispanic discourse on key current affairs issues such as citizenship and immigration.[178]
Telemundo, the second-largest Spanish-language television network in the United States, with affiliates in nearly every major U.S. market, and numerous affiliates internationally;
TeleXitos an American Spanish language digital multicast television network owned by NBCUniversal Telemundo Enterprises.
Universo, a cable network that produces content for U.S.-born Hispanic audiences;
Univisión, the largest Spanish-language television network in the United States, with affiliates in nearly every major U.S. market, and numerous affiliates internationally. It is the country's fourth-largest network overall;[179]
UniMás, an American Spanish language free-to-air television network owned by Univision Communications.
Fusion TV, an English television channel targeting Hispanic audiences with news and satire programming;
Galavisión, a Spanish-language television channel targeting Hispanic audiences with general entertainment programming;
Estrella TV, an American Spanish-language broadcast television network owned by the Estrella Media.
Primo TV, an English-language cable channel aimed at Hispanic youth.;
Azteca América, a Spanish-language television network in the United States, with affiliates in nearly every major U.S. market, and numerous affiliates internationally;
Fuse, a former music channel that merged with the Hispanic-oriented NuvoTV in 2015.
FM, a music-centric channel that replaced NuvoTV following the latter's merger with Fuse in 2015.
La Opinión, a Spanish-language daily newspaper published in Los Angeles, California and distributed throughout the six counties of Southern California. It is the largest Spanish-language newspaper in the United States
El Nuevo Herald and Diario Las Américas, Spanish-language daily newspapers serving the greater Miami, Florida, market
Vida Latina, a Spanish-language entertainment magazine distributed throughout the Southern United States
Sports and music
Because of different cultures throughout the Hispanic world, there are various music forms throughout Hispanic countries, with different sounds and origins. Reggaeton and hip hop are genres that are most popular to Hispanic youth in the United States. Recently Latin trap, trap corridos, and Dominican dembow have gained popularity.[180][181][182]
Soccer is a common sport for Hispanics from outside of the Caribbean region, particularly immigrants. Baseball is a common among Caribbean Hispanics. Other popular sports include boxing, gridiron football, and basketball.
Cuisine
Hispanic food, particularly Mexican food, has influenced American cuisine and eating habits. Mexican cuisine has become mainstream in American culture. Across the United States, tortillas and salsa are arguably becoming as common as hamburger buns and ketchup. Tortilla chips have surpassed potato chips in annual sales, and plantain chips popular in Caribbean cuisines have continued to increase sales.[183] The avocado has been described as "America's new favorite fruit"; its largest market within the US is among Hispanic Americans.[184]
Due to the large Mexican-American population in the Southwestern United States, and its proximity to Mexico, Mexican food there is believed to be some of the best in the United States. Cubans brought Cuban cuisine to Miami and today, cortaditos, pastelitos de guayaba and empanadas are common mid-day snacks in the city. Cuban culture has changed Miami's coffee drinking habits, and today a café con leche or a cortadito is commonly had at one of the city's numerous coffee shops.[185] The Cuban sandwich, developed in Miami, is now a staple and icon of the city's cuisine and culture.[186]
Familial situations
Family life and values
Hispanic culture places a strong value on family, and is commonly taught to Hispanic children as one of the most important values in life. Statistically, Hispanic families tend to have larger and closer knit families than the American average. Hispanic families tend to prefer to live near other family members. This may mean that three or sometimes four generations may be living in the same household or near each other, although four generations is uncommon in the United States. The role of grandparents is believed to be very important in the upbringing of children.[187]
Hispanics tend to be very group-oriented, and an emphasis is placed on the well-being of the family above the individual. The extended family plays an important part of many Hispanic families, and frequent social, family gatherings are common. Traditional rites of passages, particularly Roman Catholicsacraments: such as baptisms, birthdays, first Holy Communions, quinceañeras, Confirmations, graduations and weddings are all popular moments of family gatherings and celebrations in Hispanic families.[188][189]
Education is another important priority for Hispanic families. Education is seen as the key towards continued upward mobility in the United States among Hispanic families. A 2010 study by the Associated Press showed that Hispanics place a higher emphasis on education than the average American. Hispanics expect their children to graduate university.[190][191]
Hispanic youth today stay at home with their parents longer than before. This is due to more years spent studying and the difficulty of finding a paid job that meets their aspirations.[192]
Intermarriage
Hispanic Americans, like many immigrant groups before them, are out-marrying at high rates. Out-marriages comprised 17.4% of all existing Hispanic marriages in 2008.[197] The rate was higher for newlyweds (which excludes immigrants who are already married): Among all newlyweds in 2010, 25.7% of all Hispanics married a non-Hispanic (this compares to out-marriage rates of 9.4% of White people, 17.1% of Black people, and 27.7% of Asians). The rate was larger for native-born Hispanics, with 36.2% of native-born Hispanics (both men and women) out-marrying compared to 14.2% of foreign-born Hispanics.[198] The difference is attributed to recent immigrants tending to marry within their immediate immigrant community due to commonality of language, proximity, familial connections, and familiarity.[197]
In 2008, 81% of Hispanics who married out married non-Hispanic White people, 9% married non-Hispanic Black people, 5% non-Hispanic Asians, and the remainder married non-Hispanic, multi-racial partners.[197]
Of approximately 275,500 new interracial or interethnic marriages in 2010, 43.3% were White-Hispanic (compared to White-Asian at 14.4%, White-Black at 11.9%, and other combinations at 30.4%; "other combinations" consists of pairings between different minority groups and multi-racial people).[198] Unlike those for marriage to Black people and Asians, intermarriage rates of Hispanics to White people do not vary by gender. The combined median earnings of White/Hispanic couples are lower than those of White/White couples but higher than those of Hispanic/Hispanic couples. 23% of Hispanic men who married White women have a college degree compared to only 10% of Hispanic men who married a Hispanic woman. 33% of Hispanic women who married a White husband are college-educated compared to 13% of Hispanic women who married a Hispanic man.[198]
Attitudes among non-Hispanics toward intermarriage with Hispanics are mostly favorable, with 81% of White people, 76% of Asians and 73% of Black people "being fine" with a member of their family marrying a Hispanic and an additional 13% of White people, 19% of Asians and 16% of Black people "being bothered but accepting of the marriage". Only 2% of White people, 4% of Asians, and 5% of Black people would not accept a marriage of their family member to a Hispanic.[197]
Hispanic attitudes toward intermarriage with non-Hispanics are likewise favorable, with 81% "being fine" with marriages to White people and 73% "being fine" with marriages to Black people. A further 13% admitted to "being bothered but accepting" of a marriage of a family member to a White and 22% admitted to "being bothered but accepting" of a marriage of a family member to a Black. Only 5% of Hispanics objected outright marriage of a family member to a non-Hispanic Black and 2% to a non-Hispanic White.[197]
Unlike intermarriage with other racial groups, intermarriage with non-Hispanic Black people varies by nationality of origin. Puerto Ricans have by far the highest rates of intermarriage with Black people, of all major Hispanic national groups, who also has the highest overall intermarriage rate among Hispanics.[190][200][201][202][203][204][205][206][207][208][excessive citations] Cubans have the highest rate of intermarriage with non-Hispanic White people, of all major Hispanic national groups, and are the most assimilated into White American culture.[209][210]
Cultural adjustment
As Hispanic migrants become the norm in the United States, the effects of this migration on the identity of these migrants and their kin becomes most evident in the younger generations. Crossing the borders changes the identities of both the youth and their families. Often "one must pay special attention to the role expressive culture plays as both entertainment and as a site in which identity is played out, empowered, and reformed" because it is "sometimes in opposition to dominant norms and practices and sometimes in conjunction with them".[211] The exchange of their culture of origin with American culture creates a dichotomy within the values that the youth find important, therefore changing what it means to be Hispanic in the global sphere.
Transnationalism
Along with feeling that they are neither from the country of their ethnic background nor the United States, a new identity within the United States is formed called latinidad. This is especially seen in cosmopolitan social settings like New York City, Chicago, Houston, Los Angeles and San Francisco. Underway is "the intermeshing of different Latino subpopulations has laid the foundations for the emergence and ongoing evolution of a strong sense of latinidad" which establishes a "sense of cultural affinity and identity deeply rooted in what many Hispanics perceive to be a shared historical, spiritual, aesthetic and linguistic heritage, and a growing sense of cultural affinity and solidarity in the social context of the United States."[211] This unites Hispanics as one, creating cultural kin with other Hispanic ethnicities.
Gender roles
In a 1998 study of Mexican Americans it was found that males were more likely to endorse the notion than men should be the sole breadwinners of the family, while Mexican American women did not endorse this notion.[212]
Prior to the 1960s countercultural movement, Mexican men often felt an exaggerated need to be the sole breadwinner of their families.[213] There are two sides to machismo, the man who has a strong work ethic and lives up to his responsibilities, or the man who heavily drinks and therefore displays acts of unpleasant behavior towards his family.[212]
The traditional roles of women in a Hispanic community are of housewife and mother, a woman's role is to cook, clean, and care for her children and husband; putting herself and her needs last.[214] The typical structure of a Hispanic family forces women to defer authority to her husband, allowing him to make the important decisions, that both the woman and children must abide by.[215] In traditional Hispanic households, women and young girls are homebodies or muchachas de la casa ("girls of the house"), showing that they abide "by the cultural norms ... [of] respectability, chastity, and family honor [as] valued by the [Hispanic] community".[216]
Migration to the United States can change the identity of Hispanic youth in various ways, including how they carry their gendered identities.[217] However, when Hispanic women come to the United States, they tend to adapt to the perceived social norms of this new country and their social location changes as they become more independent and able to live without the financial support of their families or partners.[217] The unassimilated community views these adapting women as being de la calle ("of [or from] the street"), transgressive, and sexually promiscuous.[217] A women's motive for pursuing an education or career is to prove she can care and make someone of herself, breaking the traditional gender role that a Hispanic woman can only serve as a mother or housewife, thus changing a woman's role in society.[218] Some Hispanic families in the United States "deal with young women's failure to adhere to these culturally prescribed norms of proper gendered behavior in a variety of ways, including sending them to live in ... [the sending country] with family members, regardless of whether or not ... [the young women] are sexually active".[219] Now there has been a rise in the Hispanic community where both men and women are known to work and split the household chores among themselves; women are encouraged to gain an education, degree, and pursue a career.[220]
Sexuality
According to polling data released in 2022, 11% of Hispanic American adults identify as gay, lesbian, bisexual or transgender. This is more than twice the rate of White Americans or African Americans. Over 20% of Hispanic Millennials and Gen Z claimed an LGBT identity.[221] The growth of the young Hispanic population is driving an increase of the LGBT community in the United States.[222] Studies have shown that Hispanic Americans are over-represented among transgender people in the United States.[223][224]
According to Gattamorta, et al. (2018), the socially constructed notion of machismo reinforces male gender roles in Hispanic culture, which can lead to internalized homophobia in Hispanic gay men and increase mental health issues and suicidal ideation.[225] However, according to Reyes Salinas, more recent research shows that there has been an explosive growth of LGBT self-identification among young Hispanic Americans, which may signal that the Hispanic attitudes towards LGBT have broken down.[221] According to Marina Franco, polling conducted in 2022 suggests that the Hispanic community in America is largely accepting of LGBT people and gay marriage, which is significant in light of the rapid growth of LGBT self-identification among Hispanics.[226]
Relations with other minority groups
As a result of the rapid growth of the Hispanic population, there has been some tension with other minority populations, especially the African-American population, as Hispanics have increasingly moved into once exclusively Black areas.[227][228] There has also been increasing cooperation between minority groups to work together to attain political influence.[229][230]
A 2007 UCLA study reported that 51% of Black people felt that Hispanics were taking jobs and political power from them and 44% of Hispanics said they feared African-Americans, identifying them (African-Americans) with high crime rates. That said, large majorities of Hispanics credited American Black people and the civil rights movement with making life easier for them in the United States.[231][232]
A Pew Research Center poll from 2006 showed that Black people overwhelmingly felt that Hispanic immigrants were hard working (78%) and had strong family values (81%); 34% believed that immigrants took jobs from Americans, 22% of Black people believed that they had directly lost a job to an immigrant, and 34% of Black people wanted immigration to be curtailed. The report also surveyed three cities: Chicago (with its well-established Hispanic community); Washington, D.C. (with a less-established but quickly growing Hispanic community); and Raleigh-Durham (with a very new but rapidly growing Hispanic community). The results showed that a significant proportion of Black people in those cities wanted immigration to be curtailed: Chicago (46%), Raleigh-Durham (57%), and Washington, DC (48%).[233]
Per a 2008 University of California, Berkeley Law School research brief, a recurring theme to Black/Hispanic tensions is the growth in "contingent, flexible, or contractor labor", which is increasingly replacing long term steady employment for jobs on the lower-rung of the pay scale (which had been disproportionately filled by Black people). The transition to this employment arrangement corresponds directly with the growth in the Hispanic immigrant population. The perception is that this new labor arrangement has driven down wages, removed benefits, and rendered temporary, jobs that once were stable (but also benefiting consumers who receive lower-cost services) while passing the costs of labor (healthcare and indirectly education) onto the community at large.[234]
A 2008 Gallup poll indicated that 60% of Hispanics and 67% of Black people believe that good relations exist between US Black people and Hispanics[235] while only 29% of Black people, 36% of Hispanics and 43% of White people, say Black–Hispanic relations are bad.[235]
In 2009, in Los Angeles County, Hispanics committed 30% of the hate crimes against Black victims and Black people committed 70% of the hate crimes against Hispanics.[236]
Hispanics differ on their political views depending on their location and background. The majority (57%)[237] either identify as or support the Democrats, and 23% identify as Republicans.[237] This 34-point gap as of December 2007 was an increase from the gap of 21 points 16 months earlier. While traditionally a key Democratic Party constituency at-large,[238] beginning in the early 2010s, Hispanics have begun to split[239] between the Democrats and the Republican Party.[240][241][242] In a 2022 study, it was found that 64% of Latinos surveyed had positive attitudes towards President Obama's executive actions on immigration, which was notably four percentage points lower than that of non-Hispanic Black respondents. It was also noted that support for undocumented immigrants was lowest among Latinos living in developing 'bedroom communities' or newly built suburbs designed for commuters. This was also the case for Latinos of affluent income levels, however they were still most likely to display a positive attitude towards undocumented immigrants, especially when compared to their non-Hispanic White counterparts.[243]
Cuban Americans, Colombian Americans, Chilean Americans, and Venezuelan Americans tend to favor conservative political ideologies and support the Republicans. Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, and Dominican Americans tend to favor progressive political ideologies and support the Democrats. However, because the latter groups are far more numerous—as, again, Mexican Americans alone are 64% of Hispanics—the Democratic Party is considered to be in a far stronger position with the ethnic group overall.
The United States has a population of over 60 million of Hispanic Americans, of whom 27 million are citizens eligible to vote (13% of total eligible voters); therefore, Hispanics have a very important effect on presidential elections since the vote difference between two main parties is usually around 4%.[244][245][246][247]
Elections of 1986–1996
During the 1986 midterm elections, Hispanic voter turnout was increasing, although it remained lower compared to other demographic groups. The political concerns of Hispanic communities during this period included immigration reform and civil rights, with modest gains for Latino candidates at state and local levels. In the 1988 presidential election, George H.W. Bush (Republican) and Michael Dukakis (Democrat) were the main contenders, and although Hispanic voters were becoming more engaged, their influence was still emerging. The 1990 Census highlighted the substantial growth of Hispanic populations in the United States, leading to greater attention from political parties to Hispanic issues and concerns.
The 1992 presidential election marked a significant shift as Bill Clinton (Democrat) engaged actively with Hispanic voters, resulting in increased Latino support and signaling a broader Democratic outreach. Clinton's administration would further stimulate Hispanic political activity. The 1994 midterm elections saw Republican gains and were significantly impacted by debates over immigration and welfare reform, including California's Proposition 187, which sought to limit public services for undocumented immigrants and mobilized many Latino voters.
By the 1996 presidential election, Bill Clinton's successful re-election campaign reflected the growing influence of Hispanic voters. Key issues for the Latino community during this time included immigration, education, and healthcare. The period also witnessed an increase in Latino representation in Congress with figures such as Bob Menendez and Luis Gutiérrez emerging as prominent leaders. Overall, the period from 1986 to 1996 marked a critical phase in the evolving political influence and representation of Hispanic and Latino Americans in the United States.
Elections of 1996–2006
In the 1996 presidential election, 72% of Hispanics backed President Bill Clinton. In 2000, the Democratic total fell to 62%, and went down again in 2004, with Democrat John Kerry winning Hispanics 54–44 against Bush.[248] Hispanics in the West, especially in California, were much stronger for the Democratic Party than in Texas and Florida. California Hispanics voted 63–32 for Kerry in 2004, and both Arizona and New Mexico Hispanics by a smaller 56–43 margin. Texas Hispanics were split nearly evenly, favoring Kerry 50–49 over their favorite son candidate and Florida Hispanics (who are mostly Cuban American) backed Bush, by a 54–45 margin.
In 1998, California Proposition 227, which sought to eliminate bilingual education in public schools, was passed. This initiative highlighted the political mobilization of Latino communities and their influence on educational policy in California.
The 2000 presidential election was notably close, with George W. Bush winning the presidency over Al Gore. Bush's outreach to Hispanic voters, particularly in battleground states such as Florida, was a significant factor in his narrow victory. Despite the growing visibility of Hispanic candidates, their representation at the national level remained limited. By the 2002 midterm elections, there was a notable increase in Hispanic representation in Congress, with more Latino candidates successfully winning seats in the House of Representatives. This trend continued to grow, reflecting the expanding political engagement of Hispanic Americans. In the 2004 presidential election, George W. Bush was re-elected, with a notable increase in Hispanic support attributed to his campaign's targeted outreach efforts. Prominent Latino figures, including New Mexico Governor Bill Richardson and U.S. Senators Ken Salazar, gained national recognition during this period.
In the 2006 midterm election, however, due to the unpopularity of the Iraq War, the heated debate concerning illegal Hispanic immigration and Republican-related Congressional scandals, Hispanics went as strongly Democratic as they have since the Clinton years. Exit polls showed the group voting for Democrats by a lopsided 69–30 margin, with Florida Hispanics for the first time split evenly.
The runoff election in Texas' 23rd congressional district was seen as a bellwether of Hispanic politics. Democrat Ciro Rodriguez's unexpected (and unexpectedly decisive) defeat of Republican incumbent Henry Bonilla was seen as proof of a leftward lurch among Hispanic voters; majority-Hispanic counties overwhelmingly backed Rodriguez and majority European-American counties overwhelmingly backed Bonilla.
Elections 2008–2012
In the 2008 Presidential election's Democratic primary, Hispanics participated in larger numbers than before, with Hillary Clinton receiving most of the group's support.[249] Pundits discussed whether Hispanics would not vote for Barack Obama because he was African-American.[229] Hispanics voted 2 to 1 for Mrs. Clinton, even among the younger demographic. In other groups, younger voters went overwhelmingly for Obama.[250] Among Hispanics, 28% said race was involved in their decision, as opposed to 13% for (non-Hispanic) White people.[250] Obama defeated Clinton.
In the matchup between Obama and Republican candidate John McCain, Hispanics supported Obama with 59% to McCain's 29% in the June 30 Gallup tracking poll.[251] This was higher than expected, since McCain had been a leader of the comprehensive immigration reform effort (John McCain was born in Panama to parents who were serving in the US Navy, but raised in the United States).[252] However, McCain had retreated from reform during the Republican primary, damaging his standing among Hispanics.[253][better source needed] Obama took advantage of the situation by running ads in Spanish highlighting McCain's reversal.[254][better source needed]
In the general election, 67% of Hispanics voted for Obama.[255][256] with a relatively strong turnout in states such as Colorado, New Mexico, Nevada and Virginia, helping Obama carry those formerly Republican states. Obama won 70% of non-Cuban Hispanics and 35% of the traditionally Republican Cuban Americans who have a strong presence in Florida. The relative growth of non-Cuban vs Cuban Hispanics also contributed to his carrying Florida's Hispanics with 57% of the vote.[255][257]
While employment and the economy were top concerns for Hispanics, almost 90% of Hispanic voters rated immigration as "somewhat important" or "very important" in a poll taken after the election.[258] Republican opposition to the Comprehensive Immigration Reform Act of 2007 had damaged the party's appeal to Hispanics, especially in swing states such as Florida, Nevada and New Mexico.[258] In a Gallup poll of Hispanic voters taken in the final days of June 2008, only 18% of participants identified as Republicans.[251] The 2010 midterm elections highlighted the growing influence of Hispanic Americans in U.S. politics. Marco Rubio, a Republican from Florida, won a Senate seat, enhancing the visibility of Latino politicians in national politics.
Hispanics voted even more heavily for Democrats in the 2012 election with the Democratic incumbent Barack Obama receiving 71% and the Republican challenger Mitt Romney receiving about 27% of the vote.[259][260] Some Hispanic leaders were offended by remarks Romney made during a fundraiser, when he suggested that cultural differences[261] and "the hand of providence"[262][263] help explain why Israelis are more economically successful than Palestinians, and why similar economic disparities exist between other neighbors, such as the United States and Mexico, or Chile and Ecuador.[264] A senior aide to Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas called the remarks racist,[263][265] as did American political scientist Angelo Falcón, president of the National Institute of Latino Policy.[266]Mitt Romney's father was born to American parents in a Mormon colony in Chihuahua, Mexico. The Hispanic vote was crucial to Obama's re-election, particularly in swing states such as Florida, Colorado, and Nevada. The Obama campaign's focus on issues important to Latino voters, including immigration reform and healthcare, helped secure substantial support from the Hispanic community.
"More convincing data" from the 2016 United States presidential election[267] from the polling firm Latino Decisions indicates that Clinton received a higher share of the Hispanic vote, and Trump a lower share, than the Edison exit polls showed. Using wider, more geographically and linguistically representative sampling, Latino Decisions concluded that Clinton won 79% of Hispanic voters (also an improvement over Obama's share in 2008 and 2012), while Trump won only 18% (lower than previous Republicans such as Romney and McCain).[268] Additionally, the 2016 Cooperative Congressional Election Study found that Clinton's share of the Hispanic vote was one percentage point higher than Obama's in 2012, while Trump's was seven percentage points lower than Romney's.[269] Trump's campaign was marked by controversial statements and policies regarding immigration, which galvanized Latino voters.
Hispanic communities across the United States were long held as a single voting bloc, but economic, geographic and cultural differences show stark divides in how Hispanic Americans have cast their ballots in 2020. Hispanics helped deliver Florida to Donald Trump in part because of Cuban Americans and Venezuelan Americans (along with smaller populations such as Nicaraguan Americans and Chilean Americans); President Trump's reelection campaign ran pushing a strong anti-socialism message as a strategy in Florida, to their success. However the perceived anti-immigrant rhetoric resonated with Mexican Americans in Arizona and the COVID-19 pandemic (Arizona being one of the states hardest hit by the COVID-19 pandemic in the United States).[274] Many Latino voters in Nevada are members of the Culinary Union Local 226 and supported Biden based on Right-to-work standards.[275] The takeaway may be this may be the last election cycle that the "Hispanic vote" as a whole is more talked about instead of particular communities within it, such as Cubans, Puerto Ricans, Mexican Americans and so on. In Texas like in Arizona and Nevada, the Hispanic community mainly being Mexican American; one in three Texan voters is now Hispanic. Biden did win the Hispanic vote in those states. But in Texas, 41 percent to 47 percent of Hispanic voters backed Trump in several heavily Hispanic border counties in the Rio Grande Valley region, a Democratic stronghold. In Florida, Trump won 45 percent of the Hispanic vote, an 11-point improvement from his 2016 performance reported NBC News.[276] Recognizing Hispanics as a population that can not only make a difference in swing states like Arizona, Nevada, Texas or Florida, but also really across the country, even in places like Georgia, North Carolina, Wisconsin, Michigan and Pennsylvania, the number of Hispanic eligible voters may be the reason for the thin margins. In 1984, 37 percent of Hispanics voted for Ronald Reagan and 40 percent voted for George W. Bush in 2004.
In Florida, even though Trump won Florida and gained Hispanic voters, Biden kept 53% of the Hispanic vote and Trump 45%. According to NBC News exit polls, 55% of Cuban Americans, 30% of Puerto Ricans and 48% of other Hispanics voted for Trump.[277]
Subsections of Hispanic voters have a range of historical influences vying to affect their votes. Cuban American voters, mostly concentrated in South Florida, tend to vote Republican in part because of their anathema for socialism, the party of Fidel Castro's government that many of their families fled. Mexican Americans, however, have no such historical relationship with either party. Puerto Rican voters who have left the island might be influenced by the territory's move towards statehood, as a referendum for Trump's relief effort after Hurricane Maria, or regarding how it is taxed.[51] The 2020 presidential election was a major event, with Joe Biden defeating incumbent President Donald Trump. Biden's campaign focused on issues such as immigration reform, healthcare, and economic recovery, which resonated with many Latino voters. Despite Biden's win, Trump made significant inroads with Hispanic voters compared to 2016, particularly in Florida and Texas. This election highlighted the diverse political preferences within the Latino community and the growing complexity of its electoral impact.
Nationwide, Hispanics cast 16.6 million votes in 2020, an increase of 30.9% over the 2016 presidential election.[278]
Hispanic voters in the United States have traditionally leaned toward the Democratic Party, but recent elections reveal a significant shift toward the Republican Party, particularly in key battleground states. In the 2024 election, Republican candidate Donald Trump garnered over 44% of the Hispanic vote, surpassing the 44% support[clarify] that George W. Bush received in 2004. This shift continues a trend that began in 2020, when Trump made notable inroads among Latino voters, especially in states like Florida and Texas, where Hispanic voters played a crucial role in his victories. Trump's support among Hispanic men has grown particularly strong, with 55% of Latino men voting for him in 2024, a significant increase from 2020. In Central California, a region with a sizable Latino population, there is also a noticeable trend toward the Republican Party. Many Latino voters in this area feel neglected by the Democrats and increasingly courted by Republicans.
While the majority of Hispanic voters still align with the Democratic Party, the growing rightward shift is increasingly evident among certain demographic groups. Economic concerns—such as inflation, healthcare costs, and housing affordability—have become more central to many Latino voters, especially older generations, rather than the social issues like immigration or reproductive rights that were focal points in Democratic campaigns.[284]
The COVID-19 pandemic caused a temporary decline in immigration to the U.S., but as restrictions have eased, immigration has surged, particularly from Latin America and parts of Asia. Currently, Chinese, Indians, and Filipinos are the three largest Asian ethnic groups immigrating to the United States. Asians in the U.S. are a highly diverse group that is growing fast.[285] Asian immigrants comprise 6% of the United States population and are estimated to rise to 10% by 2050.[286] In 2023, border encounters reached record highs, driven by a combination of economic instability, violence, and natural disasters in countries like Venezuela, Honduras, and El Salvador. Additionally, the U.S. has seen an influx of refugees from conflict-ridden regions, including Afghanistan, Syria, and Ukraine, as ongoing wars and political instability continue to displace millions. Additionally, ideological factors played a significant role, particularly among Cuban and Puerto Rican communities, in response to the backlash following a comedian's offensive remark at a Trump rally, where Puerto Rico was described as an "island of garbage". Despite these gains for the GOP, the Democratic Party retains a substantial advantage, particularly among younger, urban, and more progressive Hispanic voters. As Professor Carl Tobias of the University of Richmond noted, Trump's hardline stance on immigration resonated more with some Latino voters than the approach advocated by Vice President Kamala Harris. This trend was especially evident in areas along the Mexican-American border and communities affected by recent immigration patterns.[287]
In 1995, the American Latino Media Arts Award, or ALMA Award was created. It is a distinction given to Hispanic performers (actors, film and television directors and musicians) by the National Council of La Raza. The number of Latin nominees at the Grammy Awards lag behind. Talking to People magazine ahead of music's biggest night in 2021, Grammy nominees J Balvin and Ricky Martin reflected on what it is mean to continue to represent Hispanics at awards shows like the Grammys. Martin, who served as a pioneer for the "Latin crossover" in the '90s told "When you get nominated, it's the industry telling you, 'Hey Rick, you did a good job this year, congratulations.' Yes, I need that", the 49-year-old says. "When you walk into the studio, you say, 'This got a Grammy potential.' You hear the songs that do and the ones that don't. It's inevitable." Like Selena Gomez tapping into her roots, the influence Hispanics and reggaetón are having on the mainstream is undeniable.[289]
Hispanic music imported from Cuba (chachachá, mambo, and rhumba) and Mexico (ranchera and mariachi) had brief periods of popularity during the 1950s. Examples of artists include Celia Cruz, who was a Cuban American singer and the most popular Latin artist of the 20th century, gaining twenty-three gold albums during her career. Bill Clinton awarded her the National Medal of Arts in 1994.
In 1986, Billboard magazine introduced the Hot Latin Songs chart which ranks the best-performing songs on Spanish-language radio stations in the United States. Seven years later, Billboard initiated the Top Latin Albums which ranks top-selling Latin albums in the United States.[290] Similarly, the Recording Industry Association of America incorporated "Los Premios de Oro y Platino" (The Gold and Platinum Awards) to certify Latin recordings which contains at least 50% of its content recorded in Spanish.[291]
Hispanics are underrepresented in U.S. television, radio, and film. This is combatted by organizations such as the Hispanic Organization of Latin Actors (HOLA), founded in 1975; and National Hispanic Media Coalition (NHMC), founded in 1986.[300] Together with numerous Hispanic civil rights organizations, the NHMC led a "brownout" of the national television networks in 1999, after discovering that there were no Hispanic on any of their new prime time series that year.[301] This resulted in the signing of historic diversity agreements with ABC, CBS, Fox and NBC that have since increased the hiring of Hispanic talent and other staff in all of the networks.
Latino Public Broadcasting (LPB) funds programs of educational and cultural significance to Hispanic Americans. These programs are distributed to various public television stations throughout the United States.
The 72nd Primetime Emmy Awards was criticized by Hispanics; there were no major nominations for Hispanic performers, despite the Academy of Television Arts & Sciences publicizing their improved diversity in 2020. While there was a record number of Black nominees, there was only one individual Hispanic nomination. Hispanic representation groups said the greater diversity referred only to more African American nominees.[302][303] When the Los Angeles Times reported the criticism using the term "Black", it was itself criticized for erasing Afro-Hispanics, a discussion that then prompted more investigation into this under-represented minority ethnic group in Hollywood.[304]John Leguizamo boycotted the Emmys because of its lack of Hispanic nominees.[305]
There are several Hispanics on the Forbes 400 list of richest Americans. Alejandro Santo Domingo and his brother Andres Santo Domingo inherited their fathers stake in SABMiller, now merged with Anheuser-Busch InBev. The brothers are ranked No. 132 and are each worth $4.8bn.[309]Jorge Perez founded and runs The Related Group. He built his career developing and operating low-income multifamily apartments across Miami.[310][311] He is ranked No. 264 and is worth $3bn.[309]
The largest Hispanic-owned food company in the United States is Goya Foods, because of World War II hero Joseph A. Unanue, the son of the company's founders.[312]Angel Ramos was the founder of Telemundo, Puerto Rico's first television station[313] and now the second largest Spanish-language television network in the United States, with an average viewership over one million in primetime. Samuel A. Ramirez Sr. made Wall Street history by becoming the first Hispanic to launch a successful investment banking firm, Ramirez & Co.[314][315]Nina Tassler is president of CBS Entertainment since September 2004. She is the highest-profile Hispanic in network television and one of the few executives who has the power to approve the airing or renewal of series.
Since 2021, magazine Hispanic Executive has released a list of 30 under 30 executives in the United States.[316] Members include financial analyst Stephanie Nuesi, fashion entrepreneur Zino Haro, and Obama scholar Josue de Paz.[317]
The Congressional Hispanic Caucus (CHC), founded in December 1976, and the Congressional Hispanic Conference (CHC), founded on March 19, 2003, are two organizations that promote policy of importance to Americans of Hispanic descent. They are divided into the two major American political parties: The Congressional Hispanic Caucus is composed entirely of Democratic representatives, whereas the Congressional Hispanic Conference is composed entirely of Republican representatives.
Groups like the United States Hispanic Leadership Institute (USHLI) work to achieve the promises and principles of the United States by "promoting education, research, and leadership development, and empowering Hispanics and similarly disenfranchised groups by maximizing their civic awareness, engagement, and participation".[324]
Hispanics have participated in the military of the United States and in every major military conflict from the American Revolution onward.[327][328][329] 11% to 13% military personnel now are Hispanics and they have been deployed in the Iraq War, the Afghanistan War, and U.S. military missions and bases elsewhere.[330] Hispanics have not only distinguished themselves in the battlefields but also reached the high echelons of the military, serving their country in sensitive leadership positions on domestic and foreign posts. Up to now, 43 Hispanics have been awarded the nation's highest military distinction, the Medal of Honor (also known as the Congressional Medal of Honor). The following is a list of some notable Hispanics in the military:
American Revolution
Bernardo de Gálvez (1746–1786) – Spanish military leader and colonial administrator who aided the American Thirteen Colonies in their quest for independence and led Spanish forces against Britain in the Revolutionary War; since 2014, a posthumous honorary citizen of the United States.
Lieutenant Jorge Farragut Mesquida (1755–1817) – participated in the American Revolution as a lieutenant in the South Carolina Navy.
Admiral David Farragut – promoted to vice admiral on December 21, 1864, and to full admiral on July 25, 1866, after the war, thereby becoming the first person to be named full admiral in the Navy's history.[331][332]
Colonel Ambrosio José Gonzales – Cuban officer active during the bombardment of Fort Sumter; because of his actions, was appointed Colonel of artillery and assigned to duty as Chief of Artillery in the department of South Carolina, Georgia and Florida.
Brigadier General Diego Archuleta (1814–1884) – member of the Mexican Army who fought against the United States in the Mexican–American War. During the American Civil War, he joined the Union Army (US Army) and became the first Hispanic to reach the military rank of brigadier general. He commanded The First New Mexico Volunteer Infantry in the Battle of Valverde. He was later appointed an Indian (Native Americans) Agent by Abraham Lincoln.[333]
Colonel Federico Fernández Cavada – commanded the 114th Pennsylvania Volunteer infantry regiment when it took the field in the Peach Orchard at Gettysburg.[335]
Colonel Miguel E. Pino – commanded the 2nd Regiment of New Mexico Volunteers, which fought at the Battle of Valverde in February and the Battle of Glorieta Pass and helped defeat the attempted invasion of New Mexico by the Confederate Army.[336]
Colonel Santos Benavides – commanded his own regiment, the "Benavides Regiment"; highest ranking Mexican-American in the Confederate Army.[335]
Major Salvador Vallejo – officer in one of the California units that served with the Union Army in the West.[336]
Captain Adolfo Fernández Cavada – served in the 114th Pennsylvania Volunteers at Gettysburg with his brother, Colonel Federico Fernandez Cavada; served with distinction in the Army of the Potomac from Fredericksburg to Gettysburg; "special aide-de-camp" to General Andrew A. Humphreys.[335][337]
Captain Rafael Chacón – Mexican American leader of the Union New Mexico Volunteers.[338]
Captain Roman Anthony Baca – member of the Union forces in the New Mexico Volunteers; spy for the Union Army in Texas.[336]
Lola Sánchez – Cuban-born woman who became a Confederate spy; helped the Confederates obtain a victory against the Union forces in the "Battle of Horse Landing".
Loreta Janeta Velázquez, also known as "Lieutenant Harry Buford" – Cuban woman who donned Confederate garb and served as a Confederate officer and spy during the American Civil War.
Lieutenant General Elwood R. Quesada (1904–1993) – commanding general of the 9th Fighter Command, where he established advanced headquarters on the Normandy beachhead on D-Day plus one, and directed his planes in aerial cover and air support for the Allied invasion of the European continent during World War II. He was the foremost proponent of "the inherent flexibility of air power", a principle he helped prove during the war.
Colonel Virgil R. Miller – regimental commander of the 442d Regimental Combat Team, a unit composed of "Nisei" (second generation Americans of Japanese descent), during World War II; led the 442nd in its rescue of the Lost Texas Battalion of the 36th Infantry Division, in the forests of the Vosges Mountains in northeastern France.[340][341]
First Lieutenant Oscar Francis Perdomo – of the 464th Fighter Squadron, 507th Fighter Group; the last "Ace in a Day" for the United States in World War II.
Lieutenant General Ricardo Sanchez – top commander of the Coalition forces during the first year of the occupation of Iraq, 2003–2004, during the Iraq War.
Brigadier General Carmelita Vigil-Schimmenti, United States Air Force – in 1985 became the first Hispanic female to attain the rank of brigadier general in the Air Force.[347][348]
Brigadier General Angela Salinas – on August 2, 2006, became the first Hispanic female to obtain a general rank in the Marines.[349]
Specialist Hilda Clayton (1991–2013) – combat photographer with 55th Signal Company who captured the explosion that killed her and four Afghan soldiers.[350]
Dr. Fernando E. Rodríguez Vargas discovered the bacteria that cause dental cavity. Dr. Gualberto Ruaño is a biotechnology pioneer in the field of personalized medicine and the inventor of molecular diagnostic systems, Coupled Amplification and Sequencing (CAS) System, used worldwide for the management of viral diseases.[355]Fermín Tangüis was an agriculturist and scientist who developed the Tangüis Cotton in Peru and saved that nation's cotton industry.[356]Severo Ochoa, born in Spain, was a co-winner of the 1959 Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine. Dr. Sarah Stewart, a Mexican-American microbiologist, is credited with the discovery of the Polyomavirus and successfully demonstrating that cancer causing viruses could be transmitted from animal to animal. Mexican-American psychiatrist Dr. Nora Volkow, whose brain imaging studies helped characterize the mechanisms of drug addiction, is the current director of the National Institute on Drug Abuse. Dr. Helen Rodríguez Trías, an early advocate for women's reproductive rights, helped drive and draft U.S. federal sterilization guidelines in 1979. She was awarded the Presidential Citizens Medal by President Bill Clinton, and was the first Hispanic president of the American Public Health Association.
Some Hispanics have made their names in astronautics, including several NASA astronauts:[357]Franklin Chang-Diaz, the first Hispanic NASA astronaut, is co-recordholder for the most flights in outer space, and is the leading researcher on the plasma engine for rockets; France A. Córdova, former NASA chief scientist; Juan R. Cruz, NASA aerospace engineer; LieutenantCarlos I. Noriega, NASA mission specialist and computer scientist; Dr. Orlando Figueroa, mechanical engineer and director of Mars exploration in NASA; Amri Hernández-Pellerano, engineer who designs, builds and tests the electronics that will regulate the solar array power in order to charge the spacecraft battery and distribute power to the different loads or users inside various spacecraft at NASA's Goddard Space Flight Center.
Olga D. González-Sanabria won an R&D 100 Award for her role in the development of the "Long Cycle-Life Nickel-Hydrogen Batteries" which help enable the International Space Station power system. Mercedes Reaves, research engineer and scientist who is responsible for the design of a viable full-scale solar sail and the development and testing of a scale model solar sail at NASA Langley Research Center. Dr. Pedro Rodríguez, inventor and mechanical engineer who is the director of a test laboratory at NASA and of a portable, battery-operated lift seat for people suffering from knee arthritis. Dr. Felix Soto Toro, electrical engineer and astronaut applicant who developed the Advanced Payload Transfer Measurement System (ASPTMS) (Electronic 3D measuring system); Ellen Ochoa, a pioneer of spacecraft technology and astronaut; Joseph Acaba, Fernando Caldeiro, Sidney Gutierrez, José M. Hernández, Michael López-Alegría, John Olivas and George Zamka, who are current or former astronauts.
Hispanic and Latino American women have left an indelible mark on sports in the US, showcasing exceptional talent, resilience, and cultural diversity. Some notable figures include Monica Puig, tennis player hailing from Puerto Rico, Monica Puig achieved historic success by winning the gold medal in women's singles at the 2016 Rio Olympics, marking Puerto Rico's first-ever Olympic gold medal in any sport. Laurie Hernandez, gymnastics athlete also of Puerto Rican descent, Laurie Hernandez secured a gold medal with the US gymnastics team at the 2016 Rio Olympics and added a silver medal on the balance beam, captivating audiences with her grace and skill. Jessica Mendoza, softball/baseball player of Mexican heritage, is celebrated as a former professional softball player and Olympic gold medalist (2004). She continues to inspire as a groundbreaking baseball analyst for ESPN, breaking barriers in sports broadcasting. Giselle Juarez, softball player of Mexican descent, emerged as a standout pitcher, leading the University of Oklahoma to victory in the 2021 NCAA Women's College World Series championship, showcasing her dominance on the mound. Linda Alvarado, made history as the first Hispanic woman to co-own a Major League Baseball team, the Colorado Rockies, breaking barriers and paving the way for diversity in professional sports ownership. Brenda Villa, water polo of Mexican descent, is a trailblazer in women's water polo, earning four Olympic medals (gold in 2012, silver in 2000 and 2008, bronze in 2004) and inspiring a generation with her leadership and achievements. Nancy Lopez, golf a Hall of Fame golfer of Mexican heritage, amassed an impressive 48 LPGA Tour victories, including three major championships, during her illustrious career, solidifying her legacy as one of golf's all-time greats. Sofia Huerta, player of Mexican and American descent, has excelled in professional soccer, showcasing her versatility and skill as a midfielder and forward in the NWSL and internationally with Mexico's national team, inspiring young athletes with her talent and determination.
Swimmers Ryan Lochte (the second-most decorated swimmer in Olympic history measured by total number of medals)[367] and Dara Torres (one of three women with the most Olympic women's swimming medals), both of Cuban ancestry,[368] have won multiple medals at various Olympic Games over the years. Torres is also the first American swimmer to appear in five Olympic Games.[369]Maya DiRado, of Argentine ancestry, won four medals at the 2016 games, including two gold medals.[363]
In 2009, the FBI reported that 4,622 of the 6,604 hate crimes which were recorded in the United States were anti-Hispanic, comprising 70.3% of all recorded hate crimes, the highest percentage of all of the hate crimes which were recorded in 2009. This percentage is contrasted by the fact that 34.6% of all of the hate crimes which were recorded in 2009 were anti-Black, 17.9% of them were anti-homosexual, 14.1% of them were anti-Jewish, and 8.3% of them were anti-White.[378]
Discrimination
It is reported that 31% of Hispanics have reported personal experiences with discrimination whilst 82% of Hispanics believe that discrimination plays a crucial role in whether or not they will find success while they are living in the United States.[136] The current legislation on immigration policies also plays a crucial role in creating a hostile and discriminatory environment for immigrants. In order to measure the discrimination which immigrants are being subjected to, researchers must take into account the immigrants' perception that they are being targeted for discrimination and they must also be aware that instances of discrimination can also vary based on: personal experiences, social attitudes and ethnic group barriers. The immigrant experience is associated with lower self-esteem, internalized symptoms and behavioral problems amongst Mexican youth. It is also known that more time which is spent living in the United States is associated with increased feelings of distress, depression and anxiety.[136] Like many other Hispanic groups that migrate to the United States, these groups are often stigmatized. An example of this stigmatization occurred after 9/11, when people who were considered threats to national security were frequently described with terms like migrant and the "Hispanic Other" along with other terms like refugee and asylum seeker.[379]
Immigration reform
1965: Immigration and Nationality Act (Hart-Celler Act)
The Immigration and Nationality Act (INA), enacted in 1952, serves as a foundational piece of US immigration law by consolidating and reorganizing various provisions into a unified framework. Since its enactment, the INA has undergone numerous amendments, reflecting its evolving role in immigration policy. It is codified in Title 8 of the United States Code (USC), which is the comprehensive collection of US laws. Title 8 specifically addresses "Aliens and Nationality," and the INA's sections are aligned with corresponding US Code sections for clarity. For accuracy, the official U.S. Code is provided by the Office of the Law Revision Counsel of the US House of Representatives, with links available through USCIS.[380]
1986: Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA)
The Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 (IRCA), detailed in House Report 99–1000, introduced significant changes to US immigration law. Title I of the Act focused on controlling illegal immigration by making it unlawful for employers to hire or continue employing unauthorized aliens without verifying their work status.[381] It established an employment verification system requiring employers to attest to and maintain records of employees' work eligibility. The Act also set up procedures for monitoring the verification system and addressing violations, while explicitly prohibiting the use of such verification for national identity purposes. Additionally, Title I outlined employer sanctions, including a public education period and a phased enforcement approach. Title II of the Act provided a legalization program for certain undocumented aliens who met specific criteria, including continuous residence in the U.S. since January 1, 1982.[381] It authorized adjustment from temporary to permanent resident status under certain conditions and required the Attorney General to manage and disseminate information about the program. Title III addressed the reform of legal immigration, including provisions for temporary agricultural workers and adjustments to visa programs. The Act also established various commissions and reports to assess and improve immigration policies and enforcement measures.
1996: Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act (IIRIRA)
The Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 expanded the definition of "qualified alien" under section 431 of the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Act of 1996 (8 USC 1641) to include certain categories of battered aliens. The new provisions added to 8 USC 1641 recognize battered aliens.[382] Those who have experienced battery or extreme cruelty by a spouse or parent, or by a member of their family residing with them. As eligible for benefits if there is a substantial connection between the abuse and the need for assistance. This includes aliens with pending petitions for various statuses under the Immigration and Nationality Act, such as spousal or child status of a US citizen or applications for suspension of deportation. The act extends protections to aliens whose children have been subjected to similar abuse, provided there is no active participation by the alien in the abuse. It also includes alien children who reside with a parent who has been abused. These provisions do not apply if the abuser resides in the same household as the victim. The Attorney General is tasked with issuing guidance on the interpretation of "battery" and "extreme cruelty" and establishing standards for determining the connection between such abuse and the need for benefits.[382]
2012: Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA)
Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) is a policy established on June 15, 2012, by Janet Napolitano, then Secretary of Homeland Security, under the Obama administration. The policy provides temporary relief from deportation and work authorization to certain young undocumented immigrants who meet specific criteria. DACA does not offer a pathway to permanent legal status. Instead, it grants temporary protection that requires renewal every two years. To be eligible, applicants must have arrived in the United States before the age of 16, be currently under the age of 31, and have continuously resided in the US since June 15, 2007. They must also be enrolled in school, have graduated from high school, or have been honorably discharged from the US Armed Forces or Coast Guard. Upon its implementation, DACA initially benefited approximately 832,881 individuals. The policy has been associated with various socioeconomic improvements among its recipients. According to a 2019 survey, DACA recipients experienced an 86 percent increase in their average hourly wage. This rise in wages has contributed to enhanced financial independence and increased consumer spending, which in turn has had positive economic effects. Recipients also reported improved job conditions and expanded educational opportunities, reflecting the broader impact of the policy on their quality of life. Overall, DACA has been a significant, though temporary, measure aimed at addressing the status of undocumented young immigrants and has had notable effects on their economic and educational outcomes.[383]
DACA's future has faced legal challenges, including a 2020 Supreme Court ruling that blocked the Trump administration's attempt to end it and a 2021 decision declaring DACA unlawful, though it did not immediately affect current recipients. The Biden administration has since reaffirmed its support and proposed regulatory changes to secure the program's future.
^After the election of California senator Kamala Harris as vice president, Padilla was appointed senator by California Governor Gavin Newsom to fill the seat vacancy.
^Humes, Karen R.; Jones, Nicholas A.; Ramirez, Roberto R. "Overview of Race and Hispanic Origin: 2010"(PDF). U.S. Census Bureau. Archived from the original(PDF) on April 29, 2011. Retrieved March 28, 2011. "Hispanic or Latino" refers to a person of Cuban, Mexican, Puerto Rican, South or Central American, or other Spanish culture or origin regardless of race.
^"U.S. Census Bureau Guidance on the Presentation and Comparison of Race and Hispanic Origin Data". Census.gov. Retrieved March 18, 2007. Race and Hispanic origin are two separate concepts in the federal statistical system. People who are Hispanic may also be members of any race. People in each racial group may either be Hispanic or they may not be Hispanic. Each person has two attributes, their race (or races) and whether or not they are Hispanic/Latino.
^"Mexican America: Glossary". Smithsonian Institution. Archived from the original on June 21, 2008. Note: It defines "Hispanic" as meaning those with Spanish-speaking roots in the Americas and Spain, and "Latino" as meaning those from both Spanish- and Portuguese-speaking cultures in Latin America.
^Ramirez, Deborah A. (1993). "Excluded Voices: The Disenfranchisement of Ethnic Groups From Jury Service". Wisconsin Law Review: 761. [T]he term 'Latino' ... may be more inclusive than the term 'Hispanic.'
^Cobos, Rubén (2003). "Introduction". A Dictionary of New Mexico & Southern Colorado Spanish (2nd ed.). Santa Fe: Museum of New Mexico Press. p. ix. ISBN0-89013-452-9.
^Luna, Jennie; Estrada, Gabriel S. (2020). "Trans*lating the Genderqueer -X through Caxcan, Nahua, and Xicanx Indígena Knowledge". In Aldama, Arturo J.; Luis Aldama, Frederick (eds.). Decolonizing Latinx Masculinities. University of Arizona Press. pp. 251–268. ISBN978-0-816541836.
^Loveman, Mara & Muniz, Jeronimo (2006). "How Puerto Rico Became White"(PDF). Center for Demography and Ecology, University of Wisconsin. Archived from the original(PDF) on February 7, 2012.
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^Small, Lawrence M (August 1, 2002). "Latino Legacies". Smithsonian. Smithsonian Institution. Retrieved April 28, 2008. There was a Hispanic presence on the continent for more than 200 years before 13 colonies on the eastern coast declared their independence from England. ... By 1607, when the British established their first successful settlement, at Jamestown, Virginia, writes historian Bernard Bailyn, "Spain's American dominion extended nearly 8,000 miles, from Southern California to the Straits of Magellan"
^"A Brief History of St. Augustine". City of St. Augustine. Archived from the original on September 7, 2016. Retrieved April 28, 2008. Founded in 1565, St. Augustine is the oldest continuously occupied settlement of European origin in the United States. Forty-two years before the English colonized Jamestown and fifty-five years before the Pilgrims landed at Plymouth Rock, the Spanish established at St. Augustine this nation's first enduring settlement.
^"A Spanish Expedition Established St. Augustine in Florida". America's Library. Library of Congress. Archived from the original on May 24, 2008. Retrieved April 28, 2008. On September 8, 1565, Pedro Menéndez de Avilés landed on the shore of what is now called Matanzas Bay and began the founding of the Presidio of San Agustin. Later the settlement would be called St. Augustine, Florida. Built on the site of an ancient Native American village, and near the place where Ponce de León, the European discoverer of Florida, landed in 1513 in search of the legendary Fountain of Youth, it has been continually inhabited since its founding.
^ ab"B16006. Language spoken at home by ability to speak English for the population 5 years and over (Hispanic or Latino)". 2006 American Community Survey. U.S. Census Bureau. Retrieved June 12, 2008. [There were 39.5 million Hispanic and Latino Americans aged 5 or more in 2006. 8.5 million of them, or 22%, spoke only English at home, and another 156,000, or 0.4%, spoke neither English nor Spanish at home. The other 30.8 million, or 78%, spoke Spanish at home. Of these, 3.7 million spoke no English, while the overwhelming majority, 27.2 million, did, at these levels: 15.5 million "very well", 5.8 million "well", and 5.9 million "not well". These 27.2 million bilingual speakers represented 69% of all (39.5 million) Hispanic and Latino Americans aged five or over in 2006, while the 3.7 million monolingual Spanish-speakers represented 9%.]
^Espinosa, Gastón (2008). "Latinos, Religion, and the American Presidency". In Espinosa, Gastón (ed.). Religion, Race, and the American Presidency. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 242–244. ISBN978-0-742563216.
^Subervi-Velez, Federico A. (January 1986). "The Mass Media and Ethnic Assimilation and Pluralism: A Review and Research Proposal with Special Focus on Hispanics". Communication Research. 13 (1): 71–96. doi:10.1177/009365028601300105. S2CID146739567.
^Schement, Jorge Reina & Flores, Ricardo (1977). "The Origins of Spanish-Language Radio: The Case of San Antonio, Texas". Journalism History. 4 (2): 56–61. doi:10.1080/00947679.1977.12066845.
^Gutiérrez, Félix F. & Schement, Jorge Reina (1979). Spanish-Language Radio in the Southwestern United States. Austin, TX: UT Center for Mexican American Studies.
^Paxman, Andrew (2018). "The Rise of US Spanish-Language Radio From 'Dead Airtime' to Consolidated Ownership (1920s–1970s)". Journalism History. 44 (3): 174–186. doi:10.1080/00947679.2018.12059208. S2CID181477533.
^Casillas, Dolores Inés (October 2014). Sounds of Belonging: US Spanish-language radio and public advocacy. New York City: NYU Press. ISBN978-0-814770658.
^Brown, B. Bradford; Larson, Reed W. & Saraswathi, Tharakad Subramanium, eds. (2002). The World's Youth: Adolescence in Eight Regions of the Globe. Cambridge University Press. ISBN978-0-521809108.
^ abHondagneu-Sotelo, Pierrette (2004). "Gender and the Latino experience in Late-Twentieth-Century America". In Gutiérrez, D.G. (ed.). The Columbia History of Latinos in the United States since 1960. New York City: Columbia University Press. ISBN978-0-231118088.
^Pérez, Gina (2003). "'Puertorriqueñas Rencorosas y Mejicanas Sufridas': Gendered Ethnic Identity Formation in Chicago's Latino Communities". Journal of Latin American Anthropology. 8 (2): 96–124. doi:10.1525/jlca.2003.8.2.96.
^ abBojórquez, Kim (June 1, 2022). "More Latinos are identifying as LGBTQ. Here's how some in Utah have found acceptance and community". The Salt Lake Tribune. The poll found 11% of U.S. Latino adults said they identified as LGBTQ, nearly twice the rate of 6.2% of non-Hispanic white adults and 6.6% of Black adults who said they were queer. The percentage of queer Latino adults was even higher among Gen Zers — the cohort born between 1997 and 2012 — where more than 1 in 5 said they were LGBTQ, the report found.
^Nolan, Ian T.; Kuhner, Christopher J.; Dy, Geolani W. (2019). "Demographic and temporal trends in transgender identities and gender confirming surgery". Translational Andrology and Urology. 8 (3). AME Publishing Company: 184–190. doi:10.21037/tau.2019.04.09. ISSN2223-4683. PMC6626314. PMID31380225. Studies evaluating racial and ethnic demographic trends suggest that non-white groups are overrepresented in TGNB populations. Flores et al. estimate transgender prevalence among non-Hispanic whites at approximately 480 per 100,000, lower than the 770 per 100,000 for non-Hispanic blacks, 840 per 100,000 for "Hispanic/Latino" and 640 per 100,000 for "other non-Hispanic" categories.
^Flores, Andrew (2016). Race And Ethnicity Of Adults Who Identify As Transgender In The United States(PDF). Los Angeles, California: The Williams Institute (UCLA). p. 3. Based on these estimates, we find that adults who identify as transgender are less likely to be White and more likely to be African-American or Black and Hispanic or Latino than the U.S. general population.
^Gattamorta, Karina; Quidley-Rodriguez, Narciso (2018). "Coming Out Experiences of Hispanic Sexual Minority Young Adults in South Florida". Journal of Homosexuality. 65 (6): 741–765. doi:10.1080/00918369.2017.1364111. ISSN0091-8369. PMC5797510. PMID28771094. Machismo, a socially constructed set of behaviors that reinforces male gender roles in Hispanic culture, may impact identity development and behavior (Arciniega, Anderson, Tovar-Blank, & Tracey, 2008; Basham, 1976; De La Cancela, 1986). Hirai, Winkel, and Popan (2014) reported that higher levels of machismo was positively correlated with prejudice toward lesbians and gay men. In addition, machismo has been correlated with internalized homophobia (Estrada, Rigali-Oiler, Arciniega, & Tracey, 2011), and this, in turn, has been linked to mental health issues and suicidal ideation (Cochran, Sullivan, & Mays, 2003; Hatzenbuehler, McLaughlin, & Nolen-Hoeksema, 2008; Newcomb & Mustanski, 2010; Williamson, 2000).
^Oboler, Suzanne & González, Deena J., eds. (2006). The Oxford Encyclopedia of Latinos & Latinas In The United States. Oxford University Press. ISBN978-0-195156003.
^Davison, Heather K.; Burke, Michael J. (2000). "Sex Discrimination in Simulated Employment Contexts: A Meta-analytic Investigation". Journal of Vocational Behavior. 56 (2): 225–248. doi:10.1006/jvbe.1999.1711.
^ abEnrique Pérez, Daniel (2009). Rethinking Chicana/o and Latina/o Popular Culture. Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 93–95. ISBN978-0-230616066.
^"About Us". National Hispanic Media Coalition. Retrieved June 12, 2008.
^"Making Wall Street History"(PDF). Archived from the original(PDF) on March 2, 2006. Retrieved April 16, 2009. (Scan of cover story in Hispanic Trends, issue of December 2005 – January 2006.)
^Farragut, Loyall (1879). The life of David Glasgow Farragut, first admiral of the United States navy: embodying his journal and letters. New York City: D. Appleton & Company. p. 3.
^ abcHernandez, Roger E. (2008). The Civil War, 1840s–1890s. New York: Marshall Cavendish. ISBN978-0-7614-2939-5.
^ abc"Hispanics in America's Defense"(PDF). Office of the Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Military Manpower and Personnel Policy. Retrieved January 10, 2016.
^Whalen, Carmen Teresa & Vázquez-Hernandez, Víctor (2008). The Puerto Rican Diaspora: Historical Perspectives. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. p. 176. ISBN978-1-59213-413-7.
^"Virgil Rasmuss Miller"(PDF). Assembly. Vol. XXVIII, no. 2. Association of Graduates, U.S. Military Academy. Summer 1969. pp. 132–133. Archived from the original(PDF) on January 16, 2014.
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Abrajano, Marisa A. & R. Michael Alvarez, (eds.) New Faces, New Voices: The Hispanic Electorate in America (Princeton University Press; 2010) 219 pages. Documents the generational and other diversity of the Hispanic electorate and challenges myths about voter behavior.
Aranda, José, Jr. When We Arrive: A New Literary History of Mexican America. U. of Arizona Press, 2003. 256 pp.
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DeGenova, Nicholas & Ramos-Zayas, Ana Y. Latino Crossings: Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, and the Politics of Race and Citizenship. 2003. 257 pp.
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Dolan, Jay P., and Jaime R. Vidal, eds. Puerto Rican and Cuban Catholics in the U.S., 1900-1965 (Volume 2, "Notre Dame History of Hispanic Catholics in the U.S." series), (University of Notre Dame Press, 1994).
Dolan, Jay P., and Allan Figueroa, eds. Hispanic Catholic Culture in the U.S.: Issues and Concerns (Volume 3, "Notre Dame History of Hispanic Catholics in the U.S." series), (University of Notre Dame Press, 1994).
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Gutiérrez, David G. Walls and Mirrors: Mexican Americans, Mexican Immigrants, and the Politics of Ethnicity in the Southwest, 1910–1986 1995. excerpt and text search
Hammerback, John C., Richard J. Jensen, & Jose Angel Gutierrez. A War of Words: Chicano Protest in the 1960s and 1970s 1985.
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Kenski, Kate & Tisinger, Russell. "Hispanic Voters in the 2000 and 2004 Presidential General Elections". Presidential Studies Quarterly 2006 36(2): 189–202. ISSN0360-4918
López-Calvo, Ignacio. Latino Los Angeles in Film and Fiction: The Cultural Production of Social Anxiety. University of Arizona Press, 2011. ISBN0-8165-2926-4
Martinez, Juan Francisco. Sea La Luz: The Making of Mexican Protestantism in the American Southwest, 1829–1900 (2006)
Matovina, Timothy. Guadalupe and Her Faithful: Latino Catholics in San Antonio, from Colonial Origins to the Present. 2005. 232 pp. excerpt and text search
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Saldívar-Hull, Sonia. Feminism on the Border: Chicana Gender Politics and Literature 2000. excerpt and text search
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Camarillo, Albert M., "Cities of Color: The New Racial Frontier in California's Minority-Majority Cities", Pacific Historical Review, 76 (February 2007), 1–28; looks at cities of Compton, East Palo Alto, and Seaside
Daniel, Cletus E. Bitter Harvest: A History of California Farmworkers, 1870–1941 1981.
García, Matt. A World of Its Own: Race, Labor, and Citrus in the Making of Greater Los Angeles, 1900–1970 (2001),
Hayes-Bautista, David E. La Nueva California: Latinos in the Golden State. U. of California Press, 2004. 263 pp. excerpt and text search
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Pitt, Leonard. The Decline of the Californios: A Social History of the Spanish speaking Californians, 1846–1890 (ISBN0-520-01637-8)
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Valle, Victor M. & Torres, Rodolfo D. Latino Metropolis. 2000. 249 pp. on Los Angeles
Texas and Southwest
Alonzo, Armando C. Tejano Legacy: Rancheros and Settlers in South Texas, 1734–1900 (1998)
Garcia, Richard A. "Changing Chicano Historiography", Reviews in American History 34.4 (2006) 521–528 in Project MUSE
Getz, Lynne Marie. Schools of Their Own: The Education of Hispanos in New Mexico, 1850–1940 (1997)
Gómez-Quiñones, Juan. Roots of Chicano Politics, 1600–1940 (1994)
Gonzales-Berry, Erlinda, David R. Maciel, editors, The Contested Homeland: A Chicano History of New Mexico, 314 pages (2000), ISBN0-8263-2199-2
González, Nancie L. The Spanish-Americans of New Mexico: A Heritage of Pride (1969)
Guglielmo, Thomas A. "Fighting for Caucasian Rights: Mexicans, Mexican Americans, and the Transnational Struggle for Civil Rights in World War II Texas", Journal of American History, 92 (March 2006) in History Cooperative
Gutiérrez, Ramón A. When Jesus Came, the Corn Mothers Went Away: Marriage, Sexuality, and Power in New Mexico, 1500–1846 (1991)
Márquez, Benjamin. LULAC: The Evolution of a Mexican American Political Organization (1993)
Muñoz, Laura K., "Desert Dreams: Mexican American Education in Arizona, 1870–1930" (PhD dissertation Arizona State University, 2006). Order No. DA3210182.
Quintanilla, Linda J., "Chicana Activists of Austin and Houston, Texas: A Historical Analysis" (University of Houston, 2005). Order No. DA3195964.
Sánchez, George I. Forgotten People: A Study of New Mexicans (1940; reprint 1996) on New Mexico
Taylor, Paul S. Mexican Labor in the United States. 2 vols. 1930–1932, on Texas
Stewart, Kenneth L., & Arnoldo De León. Not Room Enough: Mexicans, Anglos, and Socioeconomic Change in Texas, 1850–1900 (1993)
Weber, David J. The Mexican Frontier, 1821–1846: The American Southwest under Mexico (1982)
Other regions
West, Lorane A. (2004). Color: Latino Voices in the Pacific Northwest. Washington State University Press. ISBN978-0-87422-274-6.
Bullock, Charles S., & M. V. Hood, "A Mile‐Wide Gap: The Evolution of Hispanic Political Emergence in the Deep South". Social Science Quarterly 87.5 (2006): 1117–1135. Online[dead link]
García, María Cristina. Havana, USA: Cuban Exiles and Cuban Americans in South Florida, 1959–1994 (1996); excerpt and text search
Korrol, Virginia Sánchez. From Colonia to Community: The History of Puerto Ricans in New York City, 1917–1948 (1994)
Fernandez, Lilia. Brown in the Windy City: Mexicans and Puerto Ricans in Postwar Chicago (University of Chicago Press, 2012)
Millard, Ann V. & Chapa, Jorge. Apple Pie and Enchiladas: Latino Newcomers in the Rural Midwest. 2004. 276 pp. excerpt and text search
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Padilla, Felix M. Puerto Rican Chicago. (1987). 277 pp.
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San Sebastián AirportIATA: EASICAO: LESO EASLocation of airport in Basque CountryInformasiJenisPublicPengelolaAenaMelayaniSan SebastiánLokasiHondarribiaKetinggian dpl5 mdplKoordinat43°21′23″N 01°47′26″W / 43.35639°N 1.79056°W / 43.35639; -1.79056Landasan pacu Arah Panjang Permukaan kaki m 04/22 5,755 1,754 Aspal Bandar Udara San Sebastián (IATA: EAS, ICAO: LESO) merupakan sebuah bandar udara yang melayani San Sebastián, di Basque Country,...
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