Since 1900, the number of countries democratizing (yellow) has been higher than those autocratizing (blue), except in the late 1920s through 1940s and since 2010
Democratization, or democratisation, is the structural government transition from an authoritarian government to a more democratic political regime, including substantive political changes moving in a democratic direction.[1][2]
Whether and to what extent democratization occurs can be influenced by various factors, including economic development, historical legacies, civil society, and international processes. Some accounts of democratization emphasize how elites drove democratization, whereas other accounts emphasize grassroots bottom-up processes.[3] How democratization occurs has also been used to explain other political phenomena, such as whether a country goes to a war or whether its economy grows.[4]
Theories of democratization seek to explain a large macro-level change of a political regime from authoritarianism to democracy. Symptoms of democratization include reform of the electoral system, increased suffrage and reduced political apathy.
Measures of democratization
Democracy indices enable the quantitative assessment of democratization. Some common democracy indices are Freedom House, Polity data series, V-Dem Democracy indices and Democracy Index. Democracy indices can be quantitative or categorical. Some disagreements among scholars concern the concept of democracy and how to measure democracy – and what democracy indices should be used.
Waves of democratization
One way to summarize the outcome theories of democratization seek to account is with the idea of waves of democratization
The three waves of democracy identified by Samuel P. Huntington
A wave of democratization refers to a major surge of democracy in history. And Samuel P. Huntington identified three waves of democratization that have taken place in history.[6] The first one brought democracy to Western Europe and Northern America in the 19th century. It was followed by a rise of dictatorships during the Interwar period. The second wave began after World War II, but lost steam between 1962 and the mid-1970s. The latest wave began in 1974 and is still ongoing. Democratization of Latin America and the former Eastern Bloc is part of this third wave.
Waves of democratization can be followed by waves of de-democratization. Thus, Huntington, in 1991, offered the following depiction.
• First wave of democratization, 1828–1926
• First wave of de-democratization, 1922–42
• Second wave of democratization, 1943–62
• Second wave of de-democratization, 1958–75
• Third wave of democratization, 1974–
The idea of waves of democratization has also been used and scrutinized by many other authors, including Renske Doorenspleet,[7]John Markoff,[8]Seva Gunitsky,[9] and Svend-Erik Skaaning.[10]
According to Seva Gunitsky, from the 18th century to the Arab Spring (2011–2012), 13 democratic waves can be identified.[9]
The V-Dem Democracy Report identified for the year 2023 9 cases of stand-alone democratization in East Timor, The Gambia, Honduras, Fiji, Dominican Republic, Solomon Islands, Montenegro, Seychelles, and Kosovo and 9 cases of U-Turn Democratization in Thailand, Maldives, Tunisia, Bolivia, Zambia, Benin, North Macedonia, Lesotho, and Brazil.[11]
Throughout the history of democracy, enduring democracy advocates succeed almost always through peaceful means when there is a window of opportunity. One major type of opportunity include governments weakened after a violent shock.[12] The other main avenue occurs when autocrats are not threatened by elections, and democratize while retaining power.[13] The path to democracy can be long with setbacks along the way.[14][15][16]
The Athenian Revolution (508–507 BCE) was a revolt by the people of Athens that overthrew the ruling aristocraticoligarchy, establishing the almost century-long self-governance of Athens in the form of a participatory democracy – open to all free male citizens. It was a reaction to a broader trend of tyranny that had swept through Athens and the rest of Greece.[17]
The 1989-1990 unrest in Benin was a wave of protests, demonstrations, nonviolent boycotts, grassroots rallies, opposition campaigns and strikes in Benin against the government of Mathieu Kérékou, unpaid salaries, and new budget laws.[18]
The redemocratization of Brazil (Portuguese: abertura política, lit. 'political opening') was the 1974–1988 period of liberalization under the country's military regime, ending with the decline of the regime, the signing of the country's new constitution, and the transition to democracy.[19] Then-president Ernesto Geisel began the process of liberalization (nicknamed Portuguese: distensão) in 1974, by allowing for the Brazilian Democratic Movement opposition party's participation in congressional elections. He worked to address human rights violations and began to undo the military dictatorship's founding legislation, the Institutional Acts, in 1978. General João Figueiredo, elected the next year, continued the transition to democracy, freeing the last political prisoners in 1980, instituting direct elections in 1982. The 1985 election of a ruling opposition party marked the military dictatorship's end. The process of liberalization ultimately was successful, culminating with the promulgation of the 1988 Brazilian Constitution.[20]
The military regime in Chile led by General Augusto Pinochet ended on 11 March 1990 and was replaced by a democratically elected government.[21] The transition period lasted roughly two[22] years, although some aspects of the process lasted significantly longer. Unlike most democratic transitions, led by either the elite or the people, Chile's democratic transition process is known as an intermediate transition[21] – a transition involving both the regime and the civil society.[23] Throughout the transition, though the regime increased repressive violence, it simultaneously supported liberalization – progressively strengthening democratic institutions[24] and gradually weakening those of the military.[25]
Magna Carta in the British Library. The document was described as "the chief cause of Democracy in England".
In Great Britain, there was renewed interest in Magna Carta in the 17th century.[28] The Parliament of England enacted the Petition of Right in 1628 which established certain liberties for subjects. The English Civil War (1642–1651) was fought between the King and an oligarchic but elected Parliament,[29] during which the idea of a political party took form with groups debating rights to political representation during the Putney Debates of 1647.[30] Subsequently, the Protectorate (1653–59) and the English Restoration (1660) restored more autocratic rule although Parliament passed the Habeas Corpus Act in 1679, which strengthened the convention that forbade detention lacking sufficient cause or evidence. The Glorious Revolution in 1688 established a strong Parliament that passed the Bill of Rights 1689, which codified certain rights and liberties for individuals.[31] It set out the requirement for regular parliaments, free elections, rules for freedom of speech in Parliament and limited the power of the monarch, ensuring that, unlike much of the rest of Europe, royal absolutism would not prevail.[32][33] Only with the Representation of the People Act 1884 did a majority of the males get the vote.
The Post-Suharto era (Indonesian: Era pasca-Suharto) is the contemporary history in Indonesia, which began with the resignation of authoritarian presidentSuharto on 21 May 1998. Since his resignation, the country has been in a period of transition known as the Reform era (Indonesian: Era Reformasi).[34][35] This period has been characterised by a more open political-social environment and grassroots economic improvement.
In Japan, limited democratic reforms were introduced during the Meiji period (when the industrial modernization of Japan began), the Taishō period (1912–1926), and the early Shōwa period.[41] Despite pro-democracy movements such as the Freedom and People's Rights Movement (1870s and 1880s) and some proto-democratic institutions, Japanese society remained constrained by a highly conservative society and bureaucracy.[41] Historian Kent E. Calder notes that writers that "Meiji leadership embraced constitutional government with some pluralist features for essentially tactical reasons" and that pre-World war II Japanese society was dominated by a "loose coalition" of "landed rural elites, big business, and the military" that was averse to pluralism and reformism.[41] While the Imperial Diet survived the impacts of Japanese militarism, the Great Depression, and the Pacific War, other pluralistic institutions, such as political parties, did not. After World War II, during the Allied occupation, Japan adopted a much more vigorous, pluralistic democracy.[41]
The 1990–1992 movement in Madagascar (Malagasy: Fihetsiketsehana 1990-1992 teto Madagascar) was a strike movement and popular uprising that rocked Madagascar demanding free results of elections, new constitution and shared their dissatisfaction with the government in Madagascar which led to elections and the fall of the government in 1990–1992.[42]
A referendum on reintroducing multi-party democracy was held in Malawi on 14 June 1993. Over 64% of voters voted to end the Malawi Congress Party's 27-year monopoly on power. Soon afterwards President Hastings Banda, leader since independence, was stripped of both his post of President for life and most of the dictatorial powers he had held since the institution of one-party rule in 1966.
Latin America
Countries in Latin America became independent between 1810 and 1825, and soon had some early experiences with representative government and elections. All Latin American countries established representative institutions soon after independence, the early cases being those of Colombia in 1810, Paraguay and Venezuela in 1811, and Chile in 1818.[43]Adam Przeworski shows that some experiments with representative institutions in Latin America occurred earlier than in most European countries.[44] Mass democracy, in which the working class had the right to vote, become common only in the 1930s and 1940s.[45]
The Democracy in Senegal was touted as one of the more stable democracies in Africa, with a long tradition of peaceful democratic discourse. Democratization proceeded gradually from 1970s to 1990s.
The democratic transition began after the death of Francisco Franco, in November 1975.[46] Initially, "the political elites left over from Francoism" attempted "to reform of the institutions of dictatorship" through existing legal means,[47] but social and political pressure saw the formation of a democratic parliament in the 1977 general election, which had the imprimatur to write a new constitution that was then approved by referendum in December 1978. The following years saw the beginning of the development of the rule of law and establishment of regional government, amidst ongoing terrorism, an attempted coup d'état and global economic problems.[47] The Transition is said to have concluded after the landslide victory of the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) in the 1982 general election and the first peaceful transfer of executive power. Democracy was on the road to being consolidated.[47][b]
Crowds gather at the state funeral of Lee Han-yeol in Seoul, July 9, 1987
The June Democratic Struggle (Korean: 6월 민주 항쟁), also known as the June Democracy Movement and the June Uprising,[51] was a nationwide pro-democracy movement in South Korea that generated mass protests from June 10 to 29, 1987. The demonstrations forced the ruling government to hold direct presidential elections and institute other democratic reforms, which led to the establishment of the Sixth Republic, the present-day government of South Korea.
Demokratizatsiya (Russian: демократизация, IPA:[dʲɪməkrətʲɪˈzatsɨjə], democratization) was a slogan introduced by CPSU General SecretaryMikhail Gorbachev in January 1987 calling for the infusion of "democratic" elements into the Soviet Union's single-partygovernment. Gorbachev's Demokratizatsiya meant the introduction of multi-candidate—though not multi-party—elections for local Communist Party (CPSU) officials and Soviets. In this way, he hoped to rejuvenate the party with reform-minded personnel who would carry out his institutional and policy reforms. The CPSU would retain sole custody of the ballot box.[52]
The rise of Switzerland as a federal state began on 12 September 1848, with the creation of a federal constitution in response to a 27-day civil war, the Sonderbundskrieg. The constitution, which was heavily influenced by the United States Constitution and the ideas of the French Revolution, was modified several times during the following decades and wholly replaced in 1999. The 1848 constitution represented the first time, other than when the short-lived Helvetic Republic had been imposed, that the Swiss had a central government instead of being simply a collection of autonomous cantons bound by treaties.
The overthrow of the Roman monarchy was an event in ancient Rome that took place between the 6th and 5th centuries BC where a political revolution replaced the then-existing Roman monarchy under Lucius Tarquinius Superbus with a republic. The details of the event were largely forgotten by the Romans a few centuries later; later Roman historians presented a narrative of the events, traditionally dated to c. 509 BC, but it is largely believed to be fictitious by modern scholars.
The Tunisian revolution (Arabic: الثورة التونسية), also called the Jasmine Revolution and Tunisian Revolution of Dignity,[53][54][55] was an intensive 28-day campaign of civil resistance. It included a series of street demonstrations which took place in Tunisia, and led to the ousting of longtime dictator Zine El Abidine Ben Ali in January 2011.[56] It eventually led to a thorough democratization of the country and to free and democratic elections, which had led to people believing it was the only successful movement in the Arab Spring.[57]
The American Revolution (1765–1783) created the United States. The new Constitution established a relatively strong federal national government that included an executive, a national judiciary, and a bicameral Congress that represented states in the Senate and the population in the House of Representatives.[59][60] In many fields, it was a success ideologically in the sense that a true republic was established that never had a single dictator, but voting rights were initially restricted to white male property owners (about 6% of the population).[61] Slavery was not abolished in the Southern states until the constitutional Amendments of the Reconstruction era following the American Civil War (1861–1865). The provision of Civil Rights for African-Americans to overcome post-Reconstruction Jim Crow segregation in the South was achieved in the 1960s.
Causes and factors
There is considerable debate about the factors which affect (e.g., promote or limit) democratization.[62] Factors discussed include economic, political, cultural, individual agents and their choices, international and historical.
Economic factors
Economic development and modernization theory
Industrialization was seen by many theorists as a driver of democratization.
Scholars such as Seymour Martin Lipset;[63] Carles Boix and Susan Stokes,[64] and Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Stephens, and John Stephens[65] argue that economic development increases the likelihood of democratization. Initially argued by Lipset in 1959, this subsequently been referred to as modernization theory.[66][67] According to Daniel Treisman, there is "a strong and consistent relationship between higher income and both democratization and democratic survival in the medium term (10–20 years), but not necessarily in shorter time windows."[68]Robert Dahl argued that market economies provided favorable conditions for democratic institutions.[69]
A higher GDP/capita correlates with democracy and some claim the wealthiest democracies have never been observed to fall into authoritarianism.[70] The rise of Hitler and of the Nazis in Weimar Germany can be seen as an obvious counter-example, but although in early 1930s Germany was already an advanced economy, by that time, the country was also living in a state of economic crisis virtually since the first World War (in the 1910s), a crisis which was eventually worsened by the effects of the Great Depression. There is also the general observation that democracy was very rare before the industrial revolution. Empirical research thus led many to believe that economic development either increases chances for a transition to democracy, or helps newly established democracies consolidate.[70][71] One study finds that economic development prompts democratization but only in the medium run (10–20 years). This is because development may entrench the incumbent leader but make it more difficult for him deliver the state to a son or trusted aide when he exits.[72] However, the debate about whether democracy is a consequence of wealth, a cause of it, or both processes are unrelated, is far from conclusive.[73] Another study suggests that economic development depends on the political stability of a country to promote democracy.[74] Clark, Robert and Golder, in their reformulation of Albert Hirschman's model of Exit, Voice and Loyalty, explain how it is not the increase of wealth in a country per se which influences a democratization process, but rather the changes in the socio-economic structures that come together with the increase of wealth. They explain how these structure changes have been called out to be one of the main reasons several European countries became democratic. When their socioeconomic structures shifted because modernization made the agriculture sector more efficient, bigger investments of time and resources were used for the manufacture and service sectors. In England, for example, members of the gentry began investing more in commercial activities that allowed them to become economically more important for the state. This new kind of productive activities came with new economic power were assets became more difficult for the state to count and hence more difficult to tax. Because of this, predation was no longer possible and the state had to negotiate with the new economic elites to extract revenue. A sustainable bargain had to be reached because the state became more dependent of its citizens remaining loyal and, with this, citizens had now leverage to be taken into account in the decision making process for the country.[75][unreliable source?][76]
Adam Przeworski and Fernando Limongi argue that while economic development makes democracies less likely to turn authoritarian, there is insufficient evidence to conclude that development causes democratization (turning an authoritarian state into a democracy).[77] Economic development can boost public support for authoritarian regimes in the short-to-medium term.[78]Andrew J. Nathan argues that China is a problematic case for the thesis that economic development causes democratization.[79] Michael Miller finds that development increases the likelihood of "democratization in regimes that are fragile and unstable, but makes this fragility less likely to begin with."[80]
There is research to suggest that greater urbanization, through various pathways, contributes to democratization.[81][82]
Numerous scholars and political thinkers have linked a large middle class to the emergence and sustenance of democracy,[69][83] whereas others have challenged this relationship.[84]
In "Non-Modernization" (2022), Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson argue that modernization theory cannot account for various paths of political development "because it posits a link between economics and politics that is not conditional on institutions and culture and that presumes a definite endpoint—for example, an 'end of history'."[85]
A meta-analysis by Gerardo L. Munck of research on Lipset's argument shows that a majority of studies do not support the thesis that higher levels of economic development leads to more democracy.[86]
A 2024 study linked industrialization to democratization, arguing that large-scale employment in manufacturing made mass mobilization easier to occur and harder to repress.[87]
Capital Mobility
Theories on causes to democratization such as economic development focus rather on the aspect of gaining capital, capital mobility focuses on the movement of money and the across borders of countries and different financial instruments and the corresponding restrictions. Over the past decades they have been multiple theories as to what the relationship is between capital mobility and democratization.[88]
The “doomsway view” is that capital mobility is an inherent threat to underdeveloped democracies by worsening the economic inequalities and favoring the interests of powerful elites and external actors over broader societal, which might lead to depending on money from outside, therefore affected by the economic situation in other countries. Sylvia Maxfield argues that a bigger demand for transparency in both the private and public sectors by some investors can contribute to a strengthening of democratic institutions and can encourage democratic consolidation.[89]
A 2016 study found that preferential trade agreements can increase democratization of a country, especially in case of trade with other democracies.[90] A 2020 study found increased trade between democracies reduces democratic backsliding, while trade between democracies and autocracies reduces democratization of the autocracies.[91] Trade and capital mobility often involve international organizations, such as the International Money Fund (IMF), World Bank, and World Trade Organization (WTO), which can condition financial assistance or trade agreements on democratic reforms.[92]
Classes, cleavages and alliances
Theorists such as Barrington Moore Jr. argued that the roots of democratization could be found in the relationship between lords and peasants in agrarian societies.
Sociologist Barrington Moore Jr., in his influential Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy (1966), argues that the distribution of power among classes – the peasantry, the bourgeoise and the landed aristocracy – and the nature of alliances between classes determined whether democratic, authoritarian or communist revolutions occurred.[93] Moore also argued there were at least "three routes to the modern world" – the liberal democratic, the fascist, and the communist – each deriving from the timing of industrialization and the social structure at the time of transition. Thus, Moore challenged modernization theory, by stressing that there was not one path to the modern world and that economic development did not always bring about democracy.[94]
Many authors have questioned parts of Moore's arguments. Dietrich Rueschemeyer, Evelyne Stephens, and John D. Stephens, in Capitalist Development and Democracy (1992), raise questions about Moore's analysis of the role of the bourgeoisie in democratization.[95] Eva Bellin argues that under certain circumstances, the bourgeoise and labor are more likely to favor democratization, but less so under other circumstances.[96] Samuel Valenzuela argues that, counter to Moore's view, the landed elite supported democratization in Chile.[97] A comprehensive assessment conducted by James Mahoney concludes that "Moore's specific hypotheses about democracy and authoritarianism receive only limited and highly conditional support."[98]
A 2020 study linked democratization to the mechanization of agriculture: as landed elites became less reliant on the repression of agricultural workers, they became less hostile to democracy.[99]
According to political scientist David Stasavage, representative government is "more likely to occur when a society is divided across multiple political cleavages."[100] A 2021 study found that constitutions that emerge through pluralism (reflecting distinct segments of society) are more likely to induce liberal democracy (at least, in the short term).[101]
Political-economic factors
Rulers' need for taxation
Robert Bates and Donald Lien, as well as David Stasavage, have argued that rulers' need for taxes gave asset-owning elites the bargaining power to demand a say on public policy, thus giving rise to democratic institutions.[102][103][104]Montesquieu argued that the mobility of commerce meant that rulers had to bargain with merchants in order to tax them, otherwise they would leave the country or hide their commercial activities.[105][102] Stasavage argues that the small size and backwardness of European states, as well as the weakness of European rulers, after the fall of the Roman Empire meant that European rulers had to obtain consent from their population to govern effectively.[104][103]
According to Clark, Golder, and Golder, an application of Albert O. Hirschman's exit, voice, and loyalty model is that if individuals have plausible exit options, then a government may be more likely to democratize. James C. Scott argues that governments may find it difficult to claim a sovereignty over a population when that population is in motion.[106] Scott additionally asserts that exit may not solely include physical exit from the territory of a coercive state, but can include a number of adaptive responses to coercion that make it more difficult for states to claim sovereignty over a population. These responses can include planting crops that are more difficult for states to count, or tending livestock that are more mobile. In fact, the entire political arrangement of a state is a result of individuals adapting to the environment, and making a choice as to whether or not to stay in a territory.[106] If people are free to move, then the exit, voice, and loyalty model predicts that a state will have to be of that population representative, and appease the populace in order to prevent them from leaving.[107] If individuals have plausible exit options then they are better able to constrain a government's arbitrary behaviour through threat of exit.[107]
Inequality and democracy
Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson argued that the relationship between social equality and democratic transition is complicated: People have less incentive to revolt in an egalitarian society (for example, Singapore), so the likelihood of democratization is lower. In a highly unequal society (for example, South Africa under Apartheid), the redistribution of wealth and power in a democracy would be so harmful to elites that these would do everything to prevent democratization. Democratization is more likely to emerge somewhere in the middle, in the countries, whose elites offer concessions because (1) they consider the threat of a revolution credible and (2) the cost of the concessions is not too high.[108] This expectation is in line with the empirical research showing that democracy is more stable in egalitarian societies.[70]
In their 2019 book The Narrow Corridor and a 2022 study in the American Political Science Review, Acemoglu and Robinson argue that the nature of the relationship between elites and society determine whether stable democracy emerges. When elites are overly dominant, despotic states emerge. When society is overly dominant, weak states emerge. When elites and society are evenly balance, inclusive states emerge.[111][112]
Natural resources
The abundance of oil is sometimes seen as a curse.
Research shows that oil wealth lowers levels of democracy and strengthens autocratic rule.[113][114][115][116][117][118][119][120][121][122] According to Michael Ross, petroleum is the sole resource that has "been consistently correlated with less democracy and worse institutions" and is the "key variable in the vast majority of the studies" identifying some type of resource curse effect.[123] A 2014 meta-analysis confirms the negative impact of oil wealth on democratization.[124]
Thad Dunning proposes a plausible explanation for Ecuador's return to democracy that contradicts the conventional wisdom that natural resource rents encourage authoritarian governments. Dunning proposes that there are situations where natural resource rents, such as those acquired through oil, reduce the risk of distributive or social policies to the elite because the state has other sources of revenue to finance this kind of policies that is not the elite wealth or income.[125] And in countries plagued with high inequality, which was the case of Ecuador in the 1970s, the result would be a higher likelihood of democratization.[126] In 1972, the military coup had overthrown the government in large part because of the fears of elites that redistribution would take place.[127] That same year oil became an increasing financial source for the country.[127] Although the rents were used to finance the military, the eventual second oil boom of 1979 ran parallel to the country's re-democratization.[127] Ecuador's re-democratization can then be attributed, as argued by Dunning, to the large increase of oil rents, which enabled not only a surge in public spending but placated the fears of redistribution that had grappled the elite circles.[127] The exploitation of Ecuador's resource rent enabled the government to implement price and wage policies that benefited citizens at no cost to the elite and allowed for a smooth transition and growth of democratic institutions.[127]
The thesis that oil and other natural resources have a negative impact on democracy has been challenged by historian Stephen Haber and political scientist Victor Menaldo in a widely cited article in the American Political Science Review (2011). Haber and Menaldo argue that "natural resource reliance is not an exogenous variable" and find that when tests of the relationship between natural resources and democracy take this point into account "increases in resource reliance are not associated with authoritarianism."[128]
Cultural factors
Values and religion
It is claimed by some that certain cultures are simply more conducive to democratic values than others. This view is likely to be ethnocentric. Typically, it is Western culture which is cited as "best suited" to democracy, with other cultures portrayed as containing values which make democracy difficult or undesirable. This argument is sometimes used by undemocratic regimes to justify their failure to implement democratic reforms. Today, however, there are many non-Western democracies. Examples include: India, Japan, Indonesia, Namibia, Botswana, Taiwan, and South Korea. Research finds that "Western-educated leaders significantly and substantively improve a country's democratization prospects".[129]
Huntington presented an influential, but also controversial arguments about Confucianism and Islam. Huntington held that that "In practice Confucian or Confucian-influenced societies have been inhospitable to democracy."[130] He also held that "Islamic doctrine ... contains elements that may be both congenial and uncongenial to democracy," but generally thought that Islam was an obstacle to democratization.[131] In contrast, Alfred Stepan was more optimistic about the compatibility of different religions and democracy.[132]
The compatibility of Islam and democracy continues to be a focus of discussion; the image depicts a mosque in Medina, Saudi Arabia.
Steven Fish and Robert Barro have linked Islam to undemocratic outcomes.[133][134] However, Michael Ross argues that the lack of democracies in some parts of the Muslim world has more to do with the adverse effects of the resource curse than Islam.[135] Lisa Blaydes and Eric Chaney have linked the democratic divergence between the West and the Middle-East to the reliance on mamluks (slave soldiers) by Muslim rulers whereas European rulers had to rely on local elites for military forces, thus giving those elites bargaining power to push for representative government.[136]
Robert Dahl argued, in On Democracy, that countries with a "democratic political culture" were more prone for democratization and democratic survival.[69] He also argued that cultural homogeneity and smallness contribute to democratic survival.[69][137] Other scholars have however challenged the notion that small states and homogeneity strengthen democracy.[138]
A 2012 study found that areas in Africa with Protestant missionaries were more likely to become stable democracies.[139] A 2020 study failed to replicate those findings.[140]
Sirianne Dahlum and Carl Henrik Knutsen offer a test of the Ronald Inglehart and Christian Welzel revised version of modernization theory, which focuses on cultural traits triggered by economic development that are presumed to be conducive to democratization.[141] They find "no empirical support" for the Inglehart and Welzel thesis and conclude that "self-expression values do not enhance democracy levels or democratization chances, and neither do they stabilize existing democracies."[142]
Education
It has long been theorized that education promotes stable and democratic societies.[143] Research shows that education leads to greater political tolerance, increases the likelihood of political participation and reduces inequality.[144] One study finds "that increases in levels of education improve levels of democracy and that the democratizing effect of education is more intense in poor countries".[144]
It is commonly claimed that democracy and democratization were important drivers of the expansion of primary education around the world. However, new evidence from historical education trends challenges this assertion. An analysis of historical student enrollment rates for 109 countries from 1820 to 2010 finds no support for the claim that democratization increased access to primary education around the world. It is true that transitions to democracy often coincided with an acceleration in the expansion of primary education, but the same acceleration was observed in countries that remained non-democratic.[145]
Civil society refers to a collection of non-governmental organizations and institutions that advance the interests, priorities and will of citizens. Social capital refers to features of social life—networks, norms, and trust—that allow individuals to act together to pursue shared objectives.[8]
Robert Putnam argues that certain characteristics make societies more likely to have cultures of civic engagement that lead to more participatory democracies. According to Putnam, communities with denser horizontal networks of civic association are able to better build the "norms of trust, reciprocity, and civic engagement" that lead to democratization and well-functioning participatory democracies. By contrasting communities in Northern Italy, which had dense horizontal networks, to communities in Southern Italy, which had more vertical networks and patron-client relations, Putnam asserts that the latter never built the culture of civic engagement that some deem as necessary for successful democratization.[147]
Sheri Berman has rebutted Putnam's theory that civil society contributes to democratization, writing that in the case of the Weimar Republic, civil society facilitated the rise of the Nazi Party.[148] According to Berman, Germany's democratization after World War I allowed for a renewed development in the country's civil society; however, Berman argues that this vibrant civil society eventually weakened democracy within Germany as it exacerbated existing social divisions due to the creation of exclusionary community organizations.[148] Subsequent empirical research and theoretical analysis has lent support for Berman's argument.[149] Yale University political scientist Daniel Mattingly argues civil society in China helps the authoritarian regime in China to cement control.[150] Clark, M. Golder, and S. Golder also argue that despite many believing democratization requires a civic culture, empirical evidence produced by several reanalyses of past studies suggest this claim is only partially supported.[14]Philippe C. Schmitter also asserts that the existence of civil society is not a prerequisite for the transition to democracy, but rather democratization is usually followed by the resurrection of civil society (even if it did not exist previously).[16]
Research indicates that democracy protests are associated with democratization. According to a study by Freedom House, in 67 countries where dictatorships have fallen since 1972, nonviolent civic resistance was a strong influence over 70 percent of the time. In these transitions, changes were catalyzed not through foreign invasion, and only rarely through armed revolt or voluntary elite-driven reforms, but overwhelmingly by democratic civil society organizations utilizing nonviolent action and other forms of civil resistance, such as strikes, boycotts, civil disobedience, and mass protests.[151] A 2016 study found that about a quarter of all cases of democracy protests between 1989 and 2011 lead to democratization.[152]
Theories based on political agents and choices
Elite-opposition negotiations and contingency
Scholars such as Dankwart A. Rustow,[153][154] and Guillermo O'Donnell and Philippe C. Schmitter in their classic Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracies (1986),[155] argued against the notion that there are structural "big" causes of democratization. These scholars instead emphasize how the democratization process occurs in a more contingent manner that depends on the characteristics and circumstances of the elites who ultimately oversee the shift from authoritarianism to democracy.
O'Donnell and Schmitter proposed a strategic choice approach to transitions to democracy that highlighted how they were driven by the decisions of different actors in response to a core set of dilemmas. The analysis centered on the interaction among four actors: the hard-liners and soft-liners who belonged to the incumbent authoritarian regime, and the moderate and radical oppositions against the regime. This book not only became the point of reference for a burgeoning academic literature on democratic transitions, it was also read widely by political activists engaged in actual struggles to achieve democracy.[156]
Adam Przeworski, in Democracy and the Market (1991), offered the first analysis of the interaction between rulers and opposition in transitions to democracy using rudimentary game theory. and he emphasizes the interdependence of political and economic transformations.[157]
Elite-driven democratization
Scholars have argued that processes of democratization may be elite-driven or driven by the authoritarian incumbents as a way for those elites to retain power amid popular demands for representative government.[158][159][160][161] If the costs of repression are higher than the costs of giving away power, authoritarians may opt for democratization and inclusive institutions.[162][163][164] According to a 2020 study, authoritarian-led democratization is more likely to lead to lasting democracy in cases when the party strength of the authoritarian incumbent is high.[165] However, Michael Albertus and Victor Menaldo argue that democratizing rules implemented by outgoing authoritarians may distort democracy in favor of the outgoing authoritarian regime and its supporters, resulting in "bad" institutions that are hard to get rid of.[166] According to Michael K. Miller, elite-driven democratization is particularly likely in the wake of major violent shocks (either domestic or international) which provide openings to opposition actors to the authoritarian regime.[164] Dan Slater and Joseph Wong argue that dictators in Asia chose to implement democratic reforms when they were in positions of strength in order to retain and revitalize their power.[161]
According to a study by political scientist Daniel Treisman, influential theories of democratization posit that autocrats "deliberately choose to share or surrender power. They do so to prevent revolution, motivate citizens to fight wars, incentivize governments to provide public goods, outbid elite rivals, or limit factional violence." His study shows that in many cases, "democratization occurred not because incumbent elites chose it but because, in trying to prevent it, they made mistakes that weakened their hold on power. Common mistakes include: calling elections or starting military conflicts, only to lose them; ignoring popular unrest and being overthrown; initiating limited reforms that get out of hand; and selecting a covert democrat as leader. These mistakes reflect well-known cognitive biases such as overconfidence and the illusion of control."[167]
Sharun Mukand and Dani Rodrik dispute that elite-driven democratization produce liberal democracy. They argue that low levels of inequality and weak identity cleavages are necessary for liberal democracy to emerge.[168] A 2020 study by several political scientists from German universities found that democratization through bottom-up peaceful protests led to higher levels of democracy and democratic stability than democratization prompted by elites.[169]
The three dictatorship types, monarchy, civilian and military have different approaches to democratization as a result of their individual goals. Monarchic and civilian dictatorships seek to remain in power indefinitely through hereditary rule in the case of monarchs or through oppression in the case of civilian dictators. A military dictatorship seizes power to act as a caretaker government to replace what they consider a flawed civilian government. Military dictatorships are more likely to transition to democracy because at the onset, they are meant to be stop-gap solutions while a new acceptable government forms.[170][171][172]
Research suggests that the threat of civil conflict encourages regimes to make democratic concessions. A 2016 study found that drought-induced riots in Sub-Saharan Africa lead regimes, fearing conflict, to make democratic concessions.[173]
Scrambled constituencies
Mancur Olson theorizes that the process of democratization occurs when elites are unable to reconstitute an autocracy. Olson suggests that this occurs when constituencies or identity groups are mixed within a geographic region. He asserts that this mixed geographic constituencies requires elites to for democratic and representative institutions to control the region, and to limit the power of competing elite groups.[174]
Death or ouster of dictator
One analysis found that "Compared with other forms of leadership turnover in autocracies—such as coups, elections, or term limits—which lead to regime collapse about half of the time, the death of a dictator is remarkably inconsequential. ... of the 79 dictators who have died in office (1946–2014)... in the vast majority (92%) of cases, the regime persists after the autocrat's death."[175]
Women's suffrage
One of the critiques of Huntington's periodization is that it doesn't give enough weight to universal suffrage.[176][177] Pamela Paxton argues that once women's suffrage is taken into account, the data reveal "a long, continuous democratization period from 1893–1958, with only war-related reversals."[178]
International factors
War and national security
Jeffrey Herbst, in his paper "War and the State in Africa" (1990), explains how democratization in European states was achieved through political development fostered by war-making and these "lessons from the case of Europe show that war is an important cause of state formation that is missing in Africa today."[179] Herbst writes that war and the threat of invasion by neighbors caused European state to more efficiently collect revenue, forced leaders to improve administrative capabilities, and fostered state unification and a sense of national identity (a common, powerful association between the state and its citizens).[179] Herbst writes that in Africa and elsewhere in the non-European world "states are developing in a fundamentally new environment" because they mostly "gained Independence without having to resort to combat and have not faced a security threat since independence."[179] Herbst notes that the strongest non-European states, South Korea and Taiwan, are "largely 'warfare' states that have been molded, in part, by the near constant threat of external aggression."[179]
Elizabeth Kier has challenged claims that total war prompts democratization, showing in the cases of the UK and Italy during World War I that the policies adopted by the Italian government during World War I prompted a fascist backlash whereas UK government policies towards labor undermined broader democratization.[180]
The link between war and democratization has been a focus on some theories.
Wars may contribute to the state-building that precedes a transition to democracy, but war is mainly a serious obstacle to democratization. While adherents of the democratic peace theory believe that democracy causes peace, the territorial peace theory makes the opposite claim that peace causes democracy. In fact, war and territorial threats to a country are likely to increase authoritarianism and lead to autocracy.
This is supported by historical evidence showing that in almost all cases, peace has come before democracy. A number of scholars have argued that there is little support for the hypothesis that democracy causes peace, but strong evidence for the opposite hypothesis that peace leads to democracy.[181][182][183]
Christian Welzel'shuman empowerment theory posits that existential security leads to emancipative cultural values and support for a democratic political organization.[184] This is in agreement with theories based on evolutionary psychology. The so-called regality theory finds that people develop a psychological preference for a strong leader and an authoritarian form of government in situations of war or perceived collective danger. On the other hand, people will support egalitarian values and a preference for democracy in situations of peace and safety. The consequence of this is that a society will develop in the direction of autocracy and an authoritarian government when people perceive collective danger, while the development in the democratic direction requires collective safety.[185]
International institutions
A number of studies have found that institutional institutions have helped facilitate democratization.[186][187][188]Thomas Risse wrote in 2009, "there is a consensus in the literature on Eastern Europe that the EU membership perspective had a huge anchoring effects for the new democracies."[189] Scholars have also linked NATO expansion with playing a role in democratization.[190] international forces can significantly affect democratization. Global forces like the diffusion of democratic ideas and pressure from international financial institutions to democratize have led to democratization.[191]
The European Union has contributed to the spread of democracy, in particular by encouraging democratic reforms in aspiring member states. Thomas Risse wrote in 2009, "there is a consensus in the literature on Eastern Europe that the EU membership perspective had a huge anchoring effects for the new democracies."[189]
Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way have argued that close ties to the West increased the likelihood of democratization after the end of the Cold War, whereas states with weak ties to the West adopted competitive authoritarian regimes.[192][193]
A 2002 study found that membership in regional organizations "is correlated with transitions to democracy during the period from 1950 to 1992."[194]
A 2004 study found no evidence that foreign aid led to democratization.[195]
Robert Dahl argued in On Democracy that foreign interventions contributed to democratic failures, citing Soviet interventions in Central and Eastern Europe and U.S. interventions in Latin America.[69] However, the delegitimization of empires contributed to the emergence of democracy as former colonies gained independence and implemented democracy.[69]
Geographic factors
Some scholars link the emergence and sustenance of democracies to areas with access to the sea, which tends to increase the mobility of people, goods, capital, and ideas.[199][200]
Historical factors
Historical legacies
In seeking to explain why North America developed stable democracies and Latin America did not, Seymour Martin Lipset, in The Democratic Century (2004), holds that the reason is that the initial patterns of colonization, the subsequent process of economic incorporation of the new colonies, and the wars of independence differ. The divergent histories of Britain and Iberia are seen as creating different cultural legacies that affected the prospects of democracy.[201] A related argument is presented by James A. Robinson in "Critical Junctures and Developmental Paths" (2022).[202]
Sequencing and causality
Scholars have discussed whether the order in which things happen helps or hinders the process of democratization. An early discussion occurred in the 1960s and 1970s. Dankwart Rustow argued that "'the most effective sequence' is the pursuit of national unity, government authority, and political equality, in that order."[203] Eric Nordlinger and Samuel Huntington stressed "the importance of developing effective governmental institutions before the emergence of mass participation in politics."[203] Robert Dahl, in Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition (1971), held that the "commonest sequence among the older and more stable polyarchies has been some approximation of the ... path [in which] competitive politics preceded expansion in participation."[204]
In the 2010s, the discussion focused on the impact of the sequencing between state building and democratization. Francis Fukuyama, in Political Order and Political Decay (2014), echoes Huntington's "state-first" argument and holds that those "countries in which democracy preceded modern state-building have had much greater problems achieving high-quality governance."[205] This view has been supported by Sheri Berman, who offers a sweeping overview of European history and concludes that "sequencing matters" and that "without strong states...liberal democracy is difficult if not impossible to achieve."
[206]
However, this state-first thesis has been challenged. Relying on a comparison of Denmark and Greece, and quantitative research on 180 countries across 1789–2019, Haakon Gjerløw, Carl Henrik Knutsen, Tore Wig, and Matthew C. Wilson, in One Road to Riches? (2022), "find little evidence to support the stateness-first argument."[207] Based on a comparison of European and Latin American countries, Sebastián Mazzuca and Gerardo Munck, in A Middle-Quality Institutional Trap (2021), argue that counter to the state-first thesis, the "starting point of political developments is less important than whether the State–democracy relationship is a virtuous cycle, triggering causal mechanisms that reinforce each."[208]
In sequences of democratization for many countries, Morrison et al. found elections as the most frequent first element of the sequence of democratization but found this ordering does not necessarily predict successful democratization.[209]
^In 1848, Camillo Benso, Count of Cavour had formed a parliamentary group in the Kingdom of Sardinia Parliament named the Partito Liberale Italiano (Italian Liberal Party). From 1860, with the Unification of Italy substantially realized and the death of Cavour himself in 1861, the Liberal Party was split into at least two major factions or new parties later known as the Destra Storica on the right-wing, who substantially assembled the Count of Cavour's followers and political heirs; and the Sinistra Storica on the left-wing, who mostly reunited the followers and sympathizers of Giuseppe Garibaldi and other former Mazzinians. The Historical Right (Destra Storica) and the Historical Left (Sinistra Storica) were composed of royalist liberals. At the same time, radicals organized themselves into the Radical Party and republicans into the Italian Republican Party.
^Some historians suggest an earlier date for the conclusion of the Transition[48] including the 1977 general election, the 1978 Constitution, or the 1981 attempted coup. One writer suggests the Transition only concluded in 2006 with the end of consensus politics and the re-emergence of open debate on divisive issues.[49]
^Miller, Michael K. (2021). "Ch. 2". Shock to the system: coups, elections, and war on the road to democratization. Princeton Oxford: Princeton University Press. ISBN978-0-691-21701-7.
^ abStefan Berger, "The Attempt at Democratization under Weimar" in European Democratization since 1800. Eds. John Garrard, Vera Tolz & Ralph White (Springer, 2000), pp. 96–115.
^Richard L. Merritt, Democracy Imposed: U.S. Occupation Policy and the German Public, 1945–1949 (Yale University Press, 1995).
^"Britain's unwritten constitution". British Library. Archived from the original on 8 December 2015. Retrieved 27 November 2015. The key landmark is the Bill of Rights (1689), which established the supremacy of Parliament over the Crown.... The Bill of Rights (1689) then settled the primacy of Parliament over the monarch's prerogatives, providing for the regular meeting of Parliament, free elections to the Commons, free speech in parliamentary debates, and some basic human rights, most famously freedom from 'cruel or unusual punishment'.
^"Constitutionalism: America & Beyond". Bureau of International Information Programs (IIP), U.S. Department of State. Archived from the original on 24 October 2014. Retrieved 30 October 2014. The earliest, and perhaps greatest, victory for liberalism was achieved in England. The rising commercial class that had supported the Tudor monarchy in the 16th century led the revolutionary battle in the 17th, and succeeded in establishing the supremacy of Parliament and, eventually, of the House of Commons. What emerged as the distinctive feature of modern constitutionalism was not the insistence on the idea that the king is subject to law (although this concept is an essential attribute of all constitutionalism). This notion was already well established in the Middle Ages. What was distinctive was the establishment of effective means of political control whereby the rule of law might be enforced. Modern constitutionalism was born with the political requirement that representative government depended upon the consent of citizen subjects.... However, as can be seen through provisions in the 1689 Bill of Rights, the English Revolution was fought not just to protect the rights of property (in the narrow sense) but to establish those liberties which liberals believed essential to human dignity and moral worth. The "rights of man" enumerated in the English Bill of Rights gradually were proclaimed beyond the boundaries of England, notably in the American Declaration of Independence of 1776 and in the French Declaration of the Rights of Man in 1789.
^Smyth, Howard McGaw Italy: From Fascism to the Republic (1943–1946) The Western Political Quarterly vol. 1 no. 3 (pp. 205–222), September 1948.JSTOR442274
^ abcdKent E. Calder, "East Asian Democratic Transitions" in The Making and Unmaking of Democracy: Lessons from History and World Politics (eds. Theodore K. Rabb & Ezra N. Suleiman: Routledge, 2003). pp. 251–59.
^Adam Przeworski and Henry Teune, Democracy and the Limits of Self-Government. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010, p. 47.
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^"Enough with the 'Jasmine Revolution' narrative: Tunisians demand dignity". Archived from the original on 14 April 2023. Retrieved 14 April 2023. Let's say no to "jasmine" and stick to the name that was enshrined in our new constitution - the Tunisian Revolution of Dignity -to remind ourselves where our common efforts must remain focused.
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Overviews of the research
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Welzel, Christian. 2009. "Theories of Democratization", pp. 74–91, in Christian W. Haerpfer, Patrick Bernhagen, Ronald F. Inglehart, and Christian Welzel (eds.), Democratization. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.
Wucherpfennig, Julian, and Franziska Deutsch. 2009. "Modernization and Democracy: Theories and Evidence Revisited." Living Reviews in Democracy Vol. 1, p. 1–9. 9p.[6]
العلاقات الناوروية النيكاراغوية ناورو نيكاراغوا ناورو نيكاراغوا تعديل مصدري - تعديل العلاقات الناوروية النيكاراغوية هي العلاقات الثنائية التي تجمع بين ناورو ونيكاراغوا.[1][2][3][4][5] مقارنة بين البلدين هذه مقارنة عامة ومرجعية للدولتين: و
Concept of Kashmir Shaivism Part of a series onShaivism DeitiesParamashiva(Supreme being) Shiva Sadasiva Bhairava Rudra Virabhadra Shakti Parvati Sati Durga Kali Ganesha Kartikeya Forms of Shiva Others Scriptures and texts Vedas Agama-Tantras Shivasutras Tirumurai Vachanas Svetasvatara Philosophy Three Components Pati Pashu Pasam Three bondages Anava Karma Maya other aspects 36 Tattvas Yoga Satkaryavada Abhasavada Svatantrya Aham Practices Vibhuti Rudraksha Panchakshara Bilva Maha Shivaratri ...
Gránulos de polietileno lineal de baja densidad (LLDPE). El polietileno lineal de baja densidad (LLDPE) es un polímero sustancialmente lineal (polietileno), con un número significativo de ramificaciones cortas, comúnmente hecho por copolimerización de etileno con olefinas de cadena más larga. El polietileno lineal de baja densidad difiere estructuralmente del polietileno de baja densidad convencional (LDPE) debido a la ausencia de ramificación de cadena larga. La linealidad de LLDPE re...
Motor vehicle Nash Haul Thrift1948 Nash dealership tow truckOverviewManufacturerNash MotorsAlso calledNash 3148/3248Production1947–1954Body and chassisClassLight truckLayoutFR layoutPowertrainEngine234.8 cu in (3.8 L) I6DimensionsWheelbase3148: 133 in (3,378 mm)3248: 157 in (3,988 mm) 1948 Nash tow truck Nash Model 3148 The Nash Haul Thrift (sometimes Haulthrift) was a series of trucks produced by Nash Motors from 1947 until 1954, mainly for export ma...
Untuk kegunaan lain, lihat Mowgli (disambiguasi). MowgliTokoh The Jungle BookMowgli karya John Lockwood Kipling (ayah dari Rudyard Kipling). Sebuah ilustrasi dari The Second Jungle Book (1895)PenampilanperdanaIn the Rukh (1893)PenampilanterakhirThe Spring Running (1895)PenciptaRudyard KiplingInformasiJulukanMan-cub, FrogSpesiesManusiaJenis kelaminLaki-lakiKeluargaRaksha dan Ayah Serigala (orangtua angkat); Messua (ibu angkat); Istri (putri dari Abdul Gafur); dan putra tak bernama. Mowgli /ˈm...
Este artículo o sección necesita referencias que aparezcan en una publicación acreditada.Este aviso fue puesto el 17 de mayo de 2017. Concejo Regional Mate Yehuda Entidad subnacional Coordenadas 31°45′00″N 34°53′00″E / 31.75, 34.883333333333Entidad Concejo regional • País IsraelSuperficie • Total 520 km² Población (2017) • Total 56 600 hab. • Densidad 108,85 hab/km²[editar datos en Wikida...
Russian cyclist Viatcheslav EkimovEkimov in the prologue of the 2006 Tour of California.Personal informationFull nameViatcheslav Vladimirovich EkimovNicknameEkiBorn (1966-02-04) 4 February 1966 (age 57)Vyborg, Leningrad Oblast, Russian SFSR, Soviet UnionHeight1.76 m (5 ft 9+1⁄2 in)Weight69 kg (152 lb; 10 st 12 lb)Team informationCurrent teamRetiredDisciplineRoadTrackRoleRiderTeam managerRider typeTime-trialistProfessional teams1990�...
Thoroughbred racing and breeding operation This article uses bare URLs, which are uninformative and vulnerable to link rot. Please consider converting them to full citations to ensure the article remains verifiable and maintains a consistent citation style. Several templates and tools are available to assist in formatting, such as reFill (documentation) and Citation bot (documentation). (August 2022) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) Calumet FarmStables at Calumet Farm, Jan...
Nota: Para o extinto clube singapurense que participou das competições do futebol malaio de 1921 a 1994, veja Singapore FA. Esta página cita fontes, mas que não cobrem todo o conteúdo. Ajude a inserir referências. Conteúdo não verificável pode ser removido.—Encontre fontes: ABW • CAPES • Google (N • L • A) (Junho de 2021) Associação de Futebol de Singapura Fundação 1892 (131 anos) Filiação à FIFA ...
Jesus giving the Farewell Discourse to his eleven remaining disciples after the Last Supper, from the Maestà by Duccio, c. 1310. The New Commandment is a term used in Christianity to describe Jesus's commandment to love one another which, according to the Bible, was given as part of the final instructions to his disciples after the Last Supper had ended,[1] and after Judas Iscariot had departed in John 13:30.[2][3][4] Little children, yet a little while I am w...
Process of understanding changes in life Young Girl Weeping for her Dead Bird by Jean-Baptiste Greuze In psychology, meaning-making is the process of how people construe, understand, or make sense of life events, relationships, and the self.[1] The term is widely used in constructivist approaches to counseling psychology and psychotherapy,[2] especially during bereavement in which people attribute some sort of meaning to an experienced death or loss.[3] The term is als...
20 Greatest HitsGreatest hits album by Kenny RogersReleased1983Recorded1983GenreCountryLength72:51LabelLiberty RecordsKenny Rogers chronology We've Got Tonight(1983) 20 Greatest Hits(1983) Eyes That See in the Dark(1983) 20 Greatest Hits is a compilation album by Kenny Rogers released by Liberty Records in 1983. Overview 20 Greatest Hits marks Rogers' third compilation album as a solo artist. This compilation covers the entire span of Rogers' glorious chart run through the late 1970s and ...
هذه المقالة يتيمة إذ تصل إليها مقالات أخرى قليلة جدًا. فضلًا، ساعد بإضافة وصلة إليها في مقالات متعلقة بها. (أغسطس 2022) فيضانات ماليزيا 2020-21 المعلومات البلد ماليزيا بدأ نوفمبر 2020 - يناير 2021 الخسائر الوفيات 9 تعديل مصدري - تعديل فيضانات ماليزيا 2020-21 هو حدث عندما غمرت المياه ع�...
Ghika in 1898 Dimitrie Ghica-Comănești (also Demeter Ghica, Ghica Comăneșteanu, Prince Ghica de Roumanie; 31 December 1839 – 1923) was a Romanian nobleman, explorer, famous hunter, adventurer and politician. He was born into the Ghica family, with nobiliary and ethnic Albanian ancestry roots beginning in the 17th century. He was the son of Ecaterina Plagino (1820–1881) and aga (Rom. archaic – Chief of Justice) Nicolae Ghica, boyar (b. 1798 in Iași, d. 1853 in Comănești), fro...
Smart speaker designed by Apple Inc. This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed.Find sources: HomePod Mini – news · newspapers · books · scholar · JSTOR (March 2021) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) HomePod miniDeveloperApple Inc.Product familyHomePodTypeSmart speakerRelease date November 16,...
غزوة بني قريظة جزء من غزوات الرسول محمد معلومات عامة التاريخ 5 هـ / 627 م الموقع حصن بنو قريظة، المدينة المنورة النتيجة انتصار المسلمون المتحاربون المسلمون بنو قريظة القادة الرسول محمدعلي بن أبي طالبسعد بن معاذالزبير بن العوام حيي بن أخطبكعب بن أسد القرظيعزال بن سموأل القوة ...
Village in Ohio, United StatesWest Alexandria, OhioVillageWest Alexandria, 2021Location of West Alexandria, OhioLocation of West Alexandria in Preble CountyCoordinates: 39°44′40″N 84°32′1″W / 39.74444°N 84.53361°W / 39.74444; -84.53361CountryUnited StatesStateOhioCountyPrebleGovernment • MayorJeff HickeyArea[1] • Total0.86 sq mi (2.24 km2) • Land0.86 sq mi (2.24 km2) • Wat...
Чугаєнко Юрій ОлексійовичНародився 8 лютого 1942(1942-02-08) (81 рік)Голубівка, Луганська областьГромадянство УкраїнаДіяльність ДипломатНауковий ступінь Доктор історичних наукВчене звання Професор Юрій Олексійович Чугаєнко (8 лютого 1942, Голубівка, Луганська область) — у...
This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed.Find sources: Souk El Nissa – news · newspapers · books · scholar · JSTOR (April 2017) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) Metallic plaque showing the name of the market Souk El Nissa (English: Women market) is one of the souks of the medina of Tunis.[1&...
Bài viết này là một bài mồ côi vì không có bài viết khác liên kết đến nó. Vui lòng tạo liên kết đến bài này từ các bài viết liên quan; có thể thử dùng công cụ tìm liên kết. (tháng 7 năm 2018) Bài viết này cần thêm chú thích nguồn gốc để kiểm chứng thông tin. Mời bạn giúp hoàn thiện bài viết này bằng cách bổ sung chú thích tới các nguồn đáng tin cậy. Các nội dung không có nguồn có...
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