This article is about the European Union's (EU) own defence arm. For the EU's relationship with NATO, which TEU Article 42(2) describes as the "main forum for the implementation of collective self-defence", see European Union–NATO relations.
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The EU command and control structures are much smaller than the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's (NATO) Command Structure (NCS), which has been established for territorial defence. It has been agreed that NATO's Allied Command Operations (ACO) may be used for the conduct of the EU's missions. The MPCC, established in 2017 and to be strengthened in 2020, is the EU's first permanent military OHQ. In parallel, the newly established European Defence Fund (EDF) marks the first time the EU budget is used to finance multinational defence projects.
Decisions relating to the CSDP are proposed by the High Representative, adopted by the Foreign Affairs Council, generally requiring unanimity, to be then implemented by the High Representative.
Organigramme for the European Defence Community (EDC), which – if ratified – would have created a unified defence arm for the later to be established European Political Community (EPC). This force would represent an autonomous European pillar within NATO, under the authority of the Supreme Commander.
In 1970 the European Political Cooperation (EPC) brought about the European Communities' (EC) initial foreign policy coordination. Opposition to the addition of security and defence matters to the EPC led to the reactivation of the WEU in 1984 by its member states, which were also EC member states.
European defence integration gained momentum soon after the end of the Cold War, partly as a result of the EC's failure to prevent the Yugoslav Wars. In 1992, the WEU was given new tasks, and the following year the Treaty of Maastricht founded the EU and replaced the EPC with the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) pillar. In 1996 NATO agreed to let the WEU develop a so-called European Security and Defence Identity (ESDI).[7] The 1998 St. Malo declaration signalled that the traditionally hesitant United Kingdom was prepared to provide the EU with autonomous defence structures.[8] This facilitated the transformation of the ESDI into the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) in 1999, when it was transferred to the EU. In 2003 the EU deployed its first CSDP missions, and adopted the European Security Strategy identifying common threats and objectives. In 2009, the Treaty of Lisbon introduced the present name, CSDP, while establishing the EEAS, the mutual defence clause and enabling a subset of member states to pursue defence integration within PESCO. In 2011 the WEU, whose tasks had been transferred to the EU, was dissolved. In 2016 a new security strategy was introduced, which along with the Russian annexation of Crimea, the British withdrawal from the EU and the election of Trump as US president have given the CSDP a new impetus
The first deployment of European troops under the ESDP, following the 1999 declaration of intent, was in March 2003 in the Republic of Macedonia (now North Macedonia). Operation Concordia used NATO assets and was considered a success and replaced by a smaller police mission, EUPOL Proxima, later that year. Since then, there have been other small police, justice and monitoring missions. As well as in the Republic of Macedonia, the EU has maintained its deployment of peacekeepers in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as part of Operation Althea.[9]
Between May and September 2003 EU troops were deployed to the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) during "Operation Artemis" under a mandate given by UN Security Council Resolution 1484 which aimed to prevent further atrocities and violence in the Ituri Conflict and put the DRC's peace process back on track. This laid out the "framework nation" system to be used in future deployments. The EU returned to the DRC during July–November 2006 with EUFOR RD Congo, which supported the UN mission there during the country's elections.
Geographically, EU missions outside the Balkans and the DRC have taken place in Georgia, Indonesia, Sudan, Palestine, and Ukraine–Moldova. There is also a judicial mission in Iraq (EUJUST Lex). On 28 January 2008, the EU deployed its largest and most multi-national mission to Africa, EUFOR Tchad/RCA.[10] The UN-mandated mission involves troops from 25 EU states (19 in the field) deployed in areas of eastern Chad and the north-eastern Central African Republic in order to improve security in those regions. EUFOR Tchad/RCA reached full operation capability in mid-September 2008, and handed over security duties to the UN (MINURCAT mission) in mid-March 2009.[11]
The EU launched its first maritime CSDP operation on 12 December 2008 (Operation Atalanta). The concept of the European Union Naval Force (EU NAVFOR) was created on the back of this operation, which is still successfully combatting piracy off the coast of Somalia almost a decade later. A second such intervention was launched in 2015 to tackle migration problems in the southern Mediterranean (EUNAVFOR Med), working under the name Operation SOPHIA.
Most of the CSDP missions deployed so far are mandated to support security sector reforms (SSR) in host-states. One of the core principles of CSDP support to SSR is local ownership. The EU Council defines ownership as "the appropriation by the local authorities of the commonly agreed objectives and principles".[12] Despite EU's strong rhetorical attachment to the local ownership principle, research shows that CSDP missions continue to be an externally driven, top-down and supply-driven endeavour, resulting often in the low degree of local participation.[13]
While the EU has a command and control (C2) structure, it has no standing permanent military structure along the lines of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's (NATO) Allied Command Operations (ACO), although it has been agreed that ACO resources may be used for the conduct of the EU's CSDP missions. The MPCC, established in 2017 and to be strengthened in 2020, does however represent the EU's first step in developing a permanent military headquarters. In parallel, the newly established European Defence Fund (EDF) marks the first time the EU budget is used to finance multinational defence projects. The CSDP structure is sometimes referred to as the European Defence Union (EDU), especially in relation to its prospective development as the EU's defence arm.[4][5][6][c]
Decisions relating to the CSDP are proposed by the HR/VP, adopted by the FAC, generally requiring unanimity, and then implemented by the HR/VP.
The EU command and control (C2) structure is directed by political bodies composed of member states' representatives, and generally requires unanimous decisions. As of April 2019:[14]
Liaison: Advice and recommendations Support and monitoring Preparatory work
1 In the event of a CSDP Civilian Mission also being in the field, the relations with the Civilian Planning and Conduct Capability (CPCC) and its Civilian Operation Commander (Civ OpCdr), as well as the subordinate Head of Mission (HoM), are coordinated as shown.
2 Other Component Commanders (CCs) and service branches which may be established.
3 The MPCC is part of the EUMS and Dir MPCC is double-hatted as DGEUMS. Unless the MPCC is used as Operation Headquarters (OHQ), either a national OHQ offered by member states or the NATO Command Structure (NCS) would serve this purpose. In the latter instance, Deputy Supreme Allied Commander Europe (DSACEUR), rather than Dir MPCC, would serve as Operation Commander (OpCdr).
4 Unless the MPCC is used as Operation Headquarters (OHQ), the MFCdr would be known as a Force Commander (FCdr), and direct a Force Headquarters (FHQ) rather than a MFHQ. Whereas the MFHQ would act both on the operational and tactical level, the FHQ would act purely on the operational level.
5 The political strategic level is not part of the C2 structure per se, but represents the political bodies, with associated support facilities, that determine the missions' general direction. The Council determines the role of the High Representative (HR/VP), who serves as Vice-President of the European Commission, attends European Council meetings, chairs the Foreign Affairs Council (FAC) and may chair the Political and Security Committee (PSC) in times of crisis. The HR/VP proposes and implements CSDP decisions.
The European Union Global Strategy (EUGS) is the updated doctrine of the EU to improve the effectiveness of the CSDP, including the defence and security of the members states, the protection of civilians, cooperation between the member states' armed forces, management of immigration, crises etc. Adopted on 28 June 2016,[15] it replaces the European Security Strategy of 2003. The EUGS is complemented by a document titled "Implementation Plan on Security and Defense" (IPSD).[16]Deterrence theory is applied to deter aggressors as one of the core mandates of Common Security and Defence Policy, yet lacks credibility due to insufficient resources.[17]
A new Action Plan on military mobility and cyber resilience was released 10 November 2022.[18]
National
Graphs are unavailable due to technical issues. Updates on reimplementing the Graph extension, which will be known as the Chart extension, can be found on Phabricator and on MediaWiki.org.
National armed forces' personnel combined (2016)[19]
Five EU states host nuclear weapons: France has its own nuclear programmes, while Belgium, Germany, Italy and the Netherlands host US nuclear weapons as part of NATO's nuclear sharing policy. Combined, the EU possesses 300 warheads, and hosts between 90 and 130 US warheads. Italy hosts 70-90 B61 nuclear bombs, while Germany, Belgium, and the Netherlands 10-20 each one.[20] The EU has the third largest arsenal of nuclear weapons, after the United States and Russia.
The following table presents the military expenditures of the members of the European Union in euros (€). The combined military expenditure of the member states amounted to €223.4 billion in 2018.[2] This represents 1.4% of European Union GDP. European military expenditure includes spending on joint projects such as the Eurofighter Typhoon and joint procurement of equipment. The European Union's combined active military forces in 2016 totaled 1,410,626 personnel.[1]
In a speech in 2012, Swedish General Håkan Syrén criticised the spending levels of European Union countries, saying that in the future those countries' military capability will decrease, creating "critical shortfalls".[21]
Guide to table:
All figure entries in the table below are provided by the European Defence Agency for the year 2017, except for Germany's personnel figure, which is for 2016. Figures from other sources are not included.
The "operations & maintenance expenditure" category may in some circumstances also include finances on-top of the nations defence budget.
The categories "troops prepared for deployed operations" and "troops prepared for deployed and sustained operation" only include land force personnel.
Member state
Expenditure (€ mn.)
Per capita (€)
% of GDP
Operations & maintenance expenditure (€ mn.)
Active military personnel
Land troops prepared for deployed and sustained operations
This section needs to be updated. Please help update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information.(November 2018)
The combined component strength of the naval forces of member states is some 514 commissioned warships. Of those in service, 4 are fleet carriers. The EU also has 4 amphibious assault ships and 20 amphibious support ships in service. Of the EU's 49 submarines, 10 are nuclear-powered submarines while 39 are conventional attack submarines.
Operation Atalanta (formally European Union Naval Force Somalia) is the first ever (and still ongoing) naval operation of the European Union. It is part of a larger global action by the EU in the Horn of Africa to deal with the Somali crisis. As of January 2011 twenty-three EU nations participate in the operation.
This section needs to be updated. Please help update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information.(November 2018)
Combined, the member states of the European Union maintain large numbers of various land-based military vehicles and weaponry.
Guide to table:
The table is not exhaustive and primarily includes vehicles and EU-NATO member countries under the Conventional Armed Forces in Europe Treaty (CFE treaty). Unless otherwise specified.
The CFE treaty only includes vehicles stationed within Europe, vehicles overseas on operations are not counted.
The "main battle tank" category also includes tank destroyers (such as the Italian B1 Centauro) or any self-propelled armoured fighting vehicle, capable of heavy firepower. According to the CFE treaty.
The "armoured fighting vehicle" category includes any armoured vehicle primarily designed to transport infantry and equipped with an automatic cannon of at least 20 mm calibre. According to the CFE treaty.
The "artillery" category includes self-propelled or towed howitzers and mortars of 100 mm calibre and above. Other types of artillery are not included regardless of characteristics. According to the CFE treaty.
The "attack helicopter" category includes any rotary wing aircraft armed and equipped to engage targets or equipped to perform other military functions (such as the Apache or the Wildcat). According to the CFE treaty.
The "military logistics vehicle" category includes logistics trucks of 4-tonne, 8-tonne, 14-tonne or larger, purposely designed for military tasking. Not under CFE treaty.
This section needs to be updated. Please help update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information.(November 2018)
The air forces of EU member states operate a wide range of military systems and hardware. This is primarily due to the independent requirements of each member state and also the national defence industries of some member states. However such programmes like the Eurofighter Typhoon and Eurocopter Tiger have seen many European nations design, build and operate a single weapons platform. 60% of overall combat fleet was developed and manufactured by member states, 32% are US-origin, but some of these were assembled in Europe, while remaining 8% are soviet-made aircraft. As of 2014, it is estimated that the European Union had around 2,000 serviceable combat aircraft (fighter aircraft and ground-attack aircraft).[46]
The EUs air-lift capabilities are evolving with the future introduction of the Airbus A400M (another example of EU defence cooperation). The A400M is a tactical airlifter with strategic capabilities.[47] Around 140 are initially expected to be operated by 5 member states (Luxembourg, France, Germany, Spain and Belgium).
Guide to tables:
The tables are sourced from figures provided by Flight International for the year 2020.
Aircraft are grouped into three main types (indicated by colours): red for combat aircraft, green for aerial refueling aircraft, and grey for strategic and tactical transport aircraft.
The two "other" columns include additional aircraft according to their type sorted by colour (i.e. the "other" category in red includes combat aircraft, while the "other" category in grey includes both aerial refueling and transport aircraft). This was done because it was not feasible allocate every aircraft type its own column.
Other aircraft such as trainers, helicopters, UAVs and reconnaissance or surveillance aircraft are not included in the below tables or figures.
The Helsinki Headline Goal Catalogue is a listing of rapid reaction forces composed of 60,000 troops managed by the European Union, but under control of the countries who deliver troops for it.
Forces introduced at Union level include:
The battle groups (BG) adhere to the CSDP, and are based on contributions from a coalition of member states. Each of the eighteen Battlegroups consists of a battalion-sized force (1,500 troops) reinforced with combat support elements.[50][51] The groups rotate actively, so that two are ready for deployment at all times. The forces are under the direct control of the Council of the European Union. The Battlegroups reached full operational capacity on 1 January 2007, although, as of January 2013 they are yet to see any military action.[52] They are based on existing ad hoc missions that the European Union (EU) has undertaken and has been described by some as a new "standing army" for Europe.[51] The troops and equipment are drawn from the EU member states under a "lead nation". In 2004, United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan welcomed the plans and emphasised the value and importance of the Battlegroups in helping the UN deal with troublespots.[53]
The Medical Command (EMC) is a planned medical command centre in support of EU missions, formed as part of the Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO).[54] The EMC will provide the EU with a permanent medical capability to support operations abroad, including medical resources and a rapidly deployable medical task force. The EMC will also provide medical evacuation facilities, triage and resuscitation, treatment and holding of patients until they can be returned to duty, and emergency dental treatment. It will also contribute to harmonising medical standards, certification and legal (civil) framework conditions.[55]
The Force Crisis Response Operation Core (EUFOR CROC) is a flagship defence project under development as part of Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO). EURFOR CROC will contribute to the creation of a "full spectrum force package" to speed up provision of military forces and the EU's crisis management capabilities.[56] Rather than creating a standing force, the project involves creating a concrete catalogue of military force elements that would speed up the establishment of a force when the EU decides to launch an operation. It is land-focused and aims to generate a force of 60,000 troops from the contributing states alone. While it does not establish any form of "European army", it foresees an deployable, interoperable force under a single command.[57] Germany is the lead country for the project, but the French are heavily involved and it is tied to President Emmanuel Macron's proposal to create a standing intervention force. The French see it as an example of what PESCO is about.[58]
Provided through Article 42.3 TEU
This section presents an incomplete list of forces and bodies established intergovernmentally amongst a subset of member states. These organisations will deploy forces based on the collective agreement of their member states. They are typically technically listed as being able to be deployed under the auspices of NATO, the United Nations, the European Union (EU) through Article 42.3 of TEU, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, or any other international entity.
However, with the exception of the Eurocorps, very few have actually been deployed for any real military operation, and none under the CSDP at any point in its history.
The European Gendarmerie Force, an intervention force with militarised police functions which specializes in crisis management.[60]
Aerial:
The European Air Transport Command exercises operational control of the majority of the aerial refueling capabilities and military transport fleets of its participating nations. Located at Eindhoven Airbase in the Netherlands, the command also bears a limited responsibility for exercises, aircrew training and the harmonisation of relevant national air transport regulations.[61][62] The command was established in 2010 to provide a more efficient management of the participating nations' assets and resources in this field.
Out of the 27 EU member states, 23 are also members of NATO. Another four NATO members are EU applicants—Albania, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Turkey. Two others—Iceland and Norway—have opted to remain outside of the EU, however participate in the EU's single market. The memberships of the EU and NATO are distinct, and some EU member states are traditionally neutral on defence issues. Several EU member states were formerly members of the Warsaw Pact. Denmark had an opt-out from the CSDP,[1] however voted in a referendum in 2022 to begin to participate in the policy area.
Non-European countries
Transcontinental countries
Comparison of the two main Euro-Atlantic defence organisations
"If a Member State is the victim of armed aggression on its territory, the other Member States shall have towards it an obligation of aid and assistance by all the means in their power, in accordance with Article 51 of the United Nations Charter. This shall not prejudice the specific character of the security and defence policy of certain Member States. [...]"
"The Parties agree that an armed attack against one or more of them [on their territory] shall be considered an attack against them all and consequently they agree that, if such an armed attack occurs, each of them, in exercise of the right of individual or collective self-defence recognised by Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations, will assist the Party or Parties so attacked by taking forthwith, individually and in concert with the other Parties, such action as it deems necessary, including the use of armed force, to restore and maintain the security of the North Atlantic area. [...]"
The Berlin Plus agreement is the short title of a comprehensive package of agreements made between NATO and the EU on 16 December 2002.[66] These agreements were based on conclusions of NATO's 1999 Washington summit, sometimes referred to as the CJTF mechanism,[67] and allowed the EU to draw on some of NATO's military assets in its own peacekeeping operations.
EUCAP Somalia
The EUCAP Somalia[68] is an example of a non-executive, civilian Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) Mission aimed at strengthening maritime security capacities, police sector, as well as promoting the Rule of Law in Somalia.[69] It provides strategic level advice, mentoring and training, on issues ranging from coast guard and police functions to police-prosecution cooperation and the drafting of laws. Initially launched as EUCAP Nestor[70] in 2012, the mission was reconfigured to focus on Somalia, thus renamed by the Council of the European Union, EUCAP Somalia in 2016.
Background
The mission was established in response to the persistent challenges posed by maritime insecurity in the Western Indian Ocean, particularly piracy, illegal fishing, human trafficking, and arms smuggling. These issues severely impacted both the security and economic stability of Somalia and the surrounding region. Somalia’s extensive coastline (the longest in mainland Africa) was unprotected for years due to the collapse of the government in the early 1990s.[71] Piracy flourished in the absence of effective maritime governance, leading to international efforts to assist the country in reclaiming control over its waters. EUCAP Somalia emerged as part of these efforts, complementing other international missions such as Operation Atalanta and EUTM Somalia.
Mandates
From 2012 to 2016
EUCAP Nestor's mandate is divided into two objectives: strengthening the maritime capacities of the beneficiary countries (excluding Somalia) and training a coastal police force and judges in Somalia, the primary aim being to get the countries in the region to work together to strengthen action at sea. EUCAP Nestor operates in five countries: Djibouti, Kenya, Seychelles, Somalia (Puntland/Somaliland) and Tanzania. This is why it is relatively large in terms of staff numbers, with almost 200 people spread across the different countries. These experts provide legal, strategic and operational advice on maritime safety.[72]
From 2016 to 2021
When the name was changed in December 2016, so too was the mandate. EUCAP Somalia will drop its regional ambitions and focus solely on Somalia, and more specifically on the Coast Guard, with a view to strengthening ‘Somali maritime law enforcement capabilities’. The mandate is not limited to piracy, but covers any criminal activity or offence committed on the coast or in the sea.[73]
From 2021
In December 2020, the Council of the European Union extended Eucap's mandate until 31 December 2024. From 2021 onwards, the mission will also be helping Somalia to strengthen its police capabilities, in particular by developing the Federal Darwish police force and reinforcing the INTERPOL National Central Bureau in Mogadishu.[74] The EU's budget for the period 2023-2024 allocated is 81 million €.[75]
Achievements
Since its reconfiguration in 2016, EUCAP Somalia has made significant strides in enhancing Somalia’s maritime security capabilities. Recent achievements include improving the Somali Police Force's (SPF) command, control, and communication capabilities, as well as enhancing their ability to manage security incidents in Mogadishu. EUCAP has deployed a specialized multinational team to support the SPF's Maritime Police Unit and has played a key role in the development of Somaliland’s Coast Guard, conducting joint exercises with EUNAVFOR Operation ATALANTA. The mission also trained and equipped the Puntland Maritime Police Force, enhancing their capacity to enforce maritime law. Additionally, EUCAP has supported the Somali Attorney General’s Maritime Crimes Unit by providing training in internal procedures and investigations and launching an internship program for young lawyers. Despite the progress, Somalia continues to face challenges in maritime governance due to political instability and resource limitations, but EUCAP remains committed to addressing these issues with Somali authorities and international partners.[76]
Organisation for Joint Armament Cooperation (OCCAR), an organisation that facilitates and manages collaborative armament programmes through their lifecycle between its participating nations.
European Air Group (EAG), an organisation that promotes cooperation and interoperability between the air forces of its participating nations.
Movement Coordination Centre Europe (MCCE), an organisation aiming to coordinate the use of airlift, sealift and land movement assets owned or leased by participating nations.
Notes
^ abThe responsibility of collective self-defence within the CSDP is based on Article 42.7 of TEU, which states that this responsibility does not prejudice the specific character of the security and defence policy of certain member states, referring to policies of neutrality. See Neutral country§European Union for discussion on this subject.According to the Article 42.7 "If a Member State is the victim of armed aggression on its territory, the other Member States shall have towards it an obligation of aid and assistance by all the means in their power, in accordance with Article 51 of the United Nations Charter. This shall not prejudice the specific character of the security and defence policy of certain Member States."
Article 42.2 furthermore specifies that NATO shall be the main forum for the implementation of collective self-defence for EU member states that are also NATO members.
^Todd, Daniel; Lindberg, Michael (1996). Navies and Shipbuilding Industries: The Strained Symbiosis. Greenwood Publishing Group. pp. 56–57. ISBN9780275953102
^NATO, Berlin Plus agreement, 21 June 2006."SHAPE Information". Archived from the original on 17 August 2007. Retrieved 19 August 2007.
^The Heritage Foundation report, 4 October 2004: "Through the CJTF mechanism, NATO member states do not have to actively participate actively in a specific mission if they do not feel their vital interests are involved, but their opting out [...] would not stop other NATO members from participating in an intervention if they so desired." [1]Archived 5 February 2009 at the Wayback Machine
"Guide to the ESDP" nov.2008 edition Exhaustive guide on ESDP's missions, institutions and operations, written and edited by the Permanent representation of France to the European Union.
Dijkstra, Hylke (2013). Policy-Making in EU Security and Defense: An Institutional Perspective. European Administrative Governance Series (Hardback 240pp ed.). Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke. ISBN978-1-137-35786-1.
Nugent, Neill (2006). The Government and Politics of the European Union. The European Union Series (Paperback 630pp ed.). Palgrave Macmillan, New York. ISBN9780230000025.
Howorth, Joylon (2007). Security and Defence Policy in the European Union. The European Union Series (Paperback 315pp ed.). Palgrave Macmillan, New York. ISBN978-0-333-63912-2.
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DeBary redirects here. For other uses, see De Bary (disambiguation). City in Florida, United StatesDeBary, FloridaCityCity of DeBary SealNickname: The River CityLocation in Volusia County and the state of FloridaCoordinates: 28°52′53″N 81°19′27″W / 28.88139°N 81.32417°W / 28.88139; -81.32417[1]CountryUnited StatesStateFloridaCountyVolusiaIncorporatedDecember 31, 1993Government • TypeCouncil–manager • MayorKaren Chasez&...
SMP Negeri 7 BanjarmasinInformasiAkreditasiANomor Pokok Sekolah Nasional30305037Kepala SekolahKabul, M.PdJumlah kelas21 KelasRentang kelasVII, VIII, IXKurikulumKurikulum 2013Jumlah siswa±680 SiswaAlamatLokasiJl. Veteran Km. 4,5 Rt.29 No.99, Banjarmasin, Kalimantan Selatan, IndonesiaSitus webhttps://smpn7bjm.sch.id/Moto SMP Negeri (SMPN) 7 Banjarmasin, merupakan salah satu Sekolah Menengah Pertama Negeri yang ada di Kota Banjarmasin, Kalimantan Selatan, Indonesia. Sama den...
American politician (1757–1814) Senator Brent redirects here. For the 1850s Virginia State Senate member, see George William Brent. Richard BrentUnited States Senatorfrom VirginiaIn officeMarch 4, 1809 – December 30, 1814Preceded byAndrew MooreSucceeded byJames BarbourMember of the Virginia Senate from Prince William and Fairfax CountiesIn office1808–1809Preceded byJohn C. HunterSucceeded byWilliam TylerMember of the U.S. House of Representativesfrom Virginia's ...
Céruse Blanc de céruse obtenu par oxydation de feuilles de plomb. Identification Synonymes C.I. pigment white 1 No CAS 1319-46-6 No ECHA 100.013.901 No CE 215-290-6 SMILES C([O-])([O-])=O.C(=O)([O-])[O-].[Pb+2].[Pb+2].[Pb+2].[OH-].[OH-] PubChem, vue 3D InChI InChI : vue 3D InChI=1/2CH2O3.2H2O.3Pb/c2*2-1(3)4;;;;;/h2*(H2,2,3,4);2*1H2;;;/q;;;;3*+2/p-6 Propriétés chimiques Formule C2H2O8Pb3(PbCO3)2·Pb(OH)2 Masse molaire[a] 775,6 ± 0,3 g/mol C 3,1 %, H...
Louis Moore BaconLouis Moore Bacon (lahir 1956) adalah seorang manajer [[dan trader komoditas yang menggunakan strategi makro global untuk berinvestasi di pasar. Saat ini ia diakui sebagai salah satu trader terbaik pada abad ke-20. Dengan kekayaan total sekitar $1,7 miliar dan menempati peringkat ke-707 orang terkaya di dunia versi Forbes.[1] Ia lahir di Raleigh, North Carolina. Bacon mengenyam pendidikan di Episcopal High School di Alexandria, Virginia dan di Middleburry College, yan...
Sayyid clan Naghavi redirects here. For other uses, see Naghavi (disambiguation). Imam Al Naqi Shrine The Naqvis are people found predominantly in Iran, Iraq, and the South Asian countries. They claim descent from the Imam. Ali al-Hadi, who is also known as Naqi and the Tenth Imam, and through him they trace their lineage to the Islamic prophet Muhammad through his younger grandson Husayn ibn Ali. The Sadaat Amroha (Urdu: سادات امروہہ) or Amrohi Sayyid or Sayyid of Amroha (Urdu: ا...