Most families are of a Shia background, although there is a number of Sunni families of Achomi and Baluchi ancestry as well.[3][2]: 36, 39 [4][5][6] They are mostly bilingual.
The terms “Ajam”, “Persian” and “Iranian” are still debatable:
Persian: The term "Persian" refers to those whose mother tongue is Persian (Farsi) and who identify as Persian.[10] However, Iran is a mosaic of ethnic and linguistic groups.[10] Persians make up roughly half the population (with some estimates reaching 60%), while the rest comprises Azeris, Arabs, Balochis, Kurds, Gilanis, Mazanderanis, Loris, Qashqais, Bakhtiaris, Armenians, and others.[10] Although many of these groups speak Persian and identify as Iranian, their ethnic identity is distinct from being Persian. Additionally, Iran is home to various religious minorities—Sunni Muslims, Christians, Jews, Bahá’ís, Zoroastrians, and others—some of whom identify as Persian while others do not.[10] The denial of this diversity stems not only from ignorance but also from Persian-centric nationalism rooted in mid-20th century Iranian state policies. This approach, particularly under the Pahlavi regime, sought to erase ethnic and linguistic diversity in favor of an exclusivist Persian identity.[10] Inspired by European and Turkish nationalist ideologies, Reza Shah Pahlavi's regime crafted an artificial narrative of Iranian history centered on Persian ethnic unity over 2,500 years.[10] This contradicted the historical reality, as previous Iranian dynasties, such as the Qajars and Safavids, were of Azeri Turkish origin, and the Persian Empire itself historically united diverse peoples through imperial administration and Persian as a lingua franca rather than ethnicity.[10] Reza Shah's policies were influenced by Aryanism, a colonial-era ideology linking language with ethnicity.[10] This framework, which tied the Indo-European language family to an imagined migration of an Aryan nation, shaped nationalist projects in Europe and Iran.[10] Aryanism conveniently justified European colonial views of Indian and Persian civilizations while influencing Iranian nationalism to adopt an exclusionary identity framework.[10] This label is more often used in English partly due to the fact that "Iran" was known in the western world as "Persia". In 1959, the government of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, Reza Shah's son, announced that both "Persia" and "Iran" could officially be used interchangeably.[11] Some Bahrainis of an Iranic ancestry use this term to refer to themselves.[7]: 53 Musa Al-Ansari states that some people see this terms as just a term for Ajams from a Shia background.[7]: 27 Author Mehran Kokherdi states that the term Persians (Arabic: فُرس, romanized: Furs, Persian: فارس, romanized: Fars) is used to refer to all groups with original Parsi roots, including the inhabitants of villages scattered across Persia who still speak their ancient Parsi language. However, the term has also come to describe the populations of major cities (e.g. Tehran, Shiraz, Isfahan) more broadly, who consist of a blend of various ethnic groups, all unified by their use of Modern Persian—a language that incorporates elements from Arabic, Turkish, French, Russian, Mongolian, and Parsi. Based on their shared language, the people of Iran generally identify them as Persians (Arabic: فُرس, romanized: Furs, Persian: فارس, romanized: Fars).[5]: 3–4 This leads many scholars to believe that the term "Iranian" is more encompassing and inclusive of these various ethnic groups (Iranic people, and ethnic groups in Iran).[12] Many groups such as the Kurds, do not refer to themselves as such (Persian), despite their Iranic/Iranian roots.
Ajam (Singular: Ajami): The same general meaning of the term applies here, initially used to refer to those from a Persian speaking background locally,[7]: 26 similarly to its historical use,[13] however nowadays any non-Arab is referred to as an Ajam.[7]: 27 Musa Al-Ansari states that this term originally referred to non-Arabs of a Persian-speaking (or derivative; i.e. Achomi) background as they were the only non-Arabic speakers in Bahrain, but due to the increase of other non-Arab/non-Arabic speaking ethnicities and people (such as Asians) he claims to have "reservations" to it due to its wide meaning.[7]: 27 While some find this term to be derogatory due to its negative historical use context,[14] some Sunni "Achumi" Iranians claim it is only for those of a Shia background,[15] whilst they have been referred to as "Ajam" in the past,[16] similarly to the situation in Kuwait, others do not reject or deny it.[7]: 30
Race/Ancestry: The concept of race is surpassed with Ancestry, while in Arab culture the ancestry is often attributed to the father, scientifically speaking, the child inherits their maternal features more than their father's; physical features such as hair color, hair texture, hairline, skin, and varicose veins are inherited from the mother.[17] Daughters usually seen having equal inheritance from both parents while sons show high correlation with their mothers.[18] It is likely that few Achomis of Sunni background in Bahrain mixed with Arabs, while some of those of Shia background mixed with Lurs and Bahranis as a result of sectarian politics.[citation needed]
Balochkara (Persian: بلوچکاره): From Bashagard County. They speak dialects very close to Luri and Kurdish, which are naturally influenced by other Hormuzi dialects and Baluchi. As for what was transmitted by the stories, they are spread over very wide borders, and they are mostly known as "Balochkara."[5]: 232
Iranis: Descendants of Zoroastrian Iranians who migrated from Qajar-era Iran to British India in the 19th and 20th centuries,[44] some of which have migrated to Bahrain.[41] They are predominately Zoroastrian and speak Zoroastrian Dari (North-western Iranian Persian dialect).
A single sample of a Bahraini "Ajam" of "Southern Bushehri origins" shows that they have their roots in Fars Province + 7 other regions of Iran mostly (83.4%), a small amount of Arab DNA (9.8%) due to a single Arab grandmother down the line.[citation needed]
Iranian migration into Bahrain goes back to the days of the Sassanid and Achaemenid Persian empire, though in modern times there has been a constant migration for hundreds of years.[46] There has always been a migration of Persian-speaking Shia into Bahrain.[47]
These sentiments are supported by Archaeology as Archaeologists uncovered Parthian (247 BC – 224 AD) related artefacts in Shahkhoura,[58] and remains of Christian church in Samaheej belonging to the mid-4th and mid-8th centuries.[59]
In my estimation, the Ajam (Persians) were present before the period specified by Bushehri. At the end of the 16th century and the beginning of the 17th century, the Gulf was calm and stable socially, politically, and economically, even in terms of trade. Movement between the Persian shores occurred peacefully and without any problems. Naturally and quietly, Arab tribes migrated eastward to the Arabian Gulf, and Persian groups came to the western Arab shores without any issues. When did problems begin? When colonial powers arrived—specifically the Portuguese. During this period, there was a state called "Hormuz," about 12 miles from the Gulf's shores. There was a struggle over who would rule it: the Persians or the Portuguese. It was economically active but weak in governance. When it felt threatened by the Portuguese, it sought refuge with Abbas the Safavid, meaning the Safavids, and when the opposite happened, it sought refuge with the Portuguese. Hormuz controlled the entire Omani coast. It occupied Bahrain and several other regions in the Arabian Gulf. The Portuguese competed to assert their control over Hormuz, Bahrain, and all the territories under its authority. I believe the Persians were present in Bahrain for these reasons as well, even if in small numbers. Subsequent political events increased their presence. Not all migrations were political. The Safavid state was an ambitious state. No one denies that it had colonial ambitions in Bahrain. Consequently, some migrations were motivated by colonial objectives. The Portuguese and Ottomans were the same in this regard, meaning that while there were migrations driven by livelihood, fleeing oppression, and seeking safety, there were also organized migrations for colonial political purposes.
— Mahmoud Al-Qassab, in Al-Waqt, History of the Persian race in Bahrain, Page 20-23
It claimed that after the decline of the Safavid Empire (1501–1736), which was nearly destroyed by Pashtun armies, Persian Sunnis played a significant role in setting up Sunni governance in Bahrain.[9] Persian Sunni (Achomi/Ajam) communities in Bahrain, alongside the Howala Arab tribes, took control of the island, establishing a Sunni-dominated rule.[9][unreliable source?]
Migrations occurred at different historical periods. The number began to increase significantly in the year 1850, and due to the natural problems that the Iranian arena faced, such as lack of rain and famine, this led to migration to Bahrain. In my opinion, no one leaves his homeland, land and tribe unless he is forced to.
— Dr. Ali Akbar Bushehri, in Al-Waqt, History of the Persian race in Bahrain, Page 8
The number began to increase significantly in the year 1850, and due to the natural problems that the Iranian arena faced, such as lack of rain and due to waves of famine, cholera and smallpox outbreaks and increased crime rates, this led to immigration to a large-scale migration to Bahrain.[7]: 8 [2]
It was around this time that Sheikh Muhammad bin Khalifah Al Khalifa had in 1851 asked for Iranian protection against Wahabbis and declared his preparedness to be a Qajar Iran protectorate. However, the British forced him to become their protectorate.[61]
In 1860, the Bushehri family migrates to Bahrain.[7]: 13 [2]: 60
During the early 20th century, the Iranian central government imposed new import and export taxes,[19] The introduction of taxes was an effort to reinforce the authority of the Iranian state and draw revenue from affluent peripheral areas like Bandar Lingeh and Bushehr, which were key economic hubs in the Gulf during the late 19th and early 20th centuries.[21] Migrants, familiar with the region, circumvented these restrictions by choosing alternative routes.[21] To escape the heavy taxation, many merchants simply relocated to the other side, a practice that had been common for centuries due to the familiarity of the region,[19] prompting the migration of tens of thousands of people from southern Iran to the opposite shores.[19] Bahrain became a primary destination for these migrants,[21] leading to a significant increase in its Iranian population.[21] This period also saw heightened British involvement in the region.[19][21]
In 1904, anti-Persian rioting broke out in the markets of Manama, marking the first recorded instance of local resistance against migrants in Bahrain.[21] The British labeled the incident as "anti-Persian" and subsequently took control over the affairs of Iranian migrants in Bahrain.[21] In response, the Iranian central government requested British assistance to ensure justice for its citizens in Bahrain.[21] According to Lindsey Stephenson; speaker for the Ajam Media Collective, this request was a temporary measure rather than an attempt to permanently cede jurisdiction, reflecting the historically fluid and overlapping borders in the Gulf region.[21]
According to Dr. Ali Akbar Bushehri, in the year 1905, the Ajam of Bahrain were estimated to be around 1650.[7]
By 1909, the British who were treating Iranians as foreigners in need of British protection,[19] had convinced the Sheikh of Bahrain (Isa bin Ali Al Khalifa) to oversee the Iranian migrants after spending five years of trying to convince him that they were foreigners,[21] even though the Iranians (of Bahrain) themselves had not sought such protection.[19] This shift marked the introduction of new territorialized identities in the Gulf,[19][21] replacing earlier conceptions of belonging that were based on familial ties rather than geographic origin.[19][21] The British court system reinforced this "spatial awareness", bringing a legal and official understanding of belonging that was increasingly tied to territorial boundaries.[19][21] Despite the British designation of Iranians as foreigners,[19][21] the Sheikh of Bahrain viewed them as part of his subjects,[19][21] prioritizing their economic contributions over any concern about their origins.[19]
In 1910, the local Iranian community funded and opened a private school, Al-Ittihad school (Persian: دبستان اتحاد ملی, romanized: Dabistan Ittihad Melli, lit. 'National Union Primary School'),[62][63] that taught Persian, besides other subjects.[63] It is considered one of the earliest, if not first, school to be opened in Bahrain.[64][65] Between 1910 and 1919, in the absence of state-run schools on the islands, some Bahrainis attended Al-Ittihad, contributing to the development of modern education in the region.[64]: 293–294 It had a secular approach influenced by the Pahlavi dynasty up until the 1979 Revolution.[64]: 293–294
Between 1919 and 1923, Members of the Iranian community asked the government to require teaching Persian (Farsi) as part of the curriculum in all schools but this was rejected.[64]: 292
The second wave of pre-revolutionary Iranian emigration to the Arab littoral built upon the first and was largely driven by Reza Shah’s efforts to consolidate control over autonomous and restive provinces during the 1920s and 1930s. Following the overthrow of the Qajar dynasty, Reza Shah extended his authority over southern ports and nearby islands. In 1924, he subdued the Arab rulers of Khuzestan, an oil-rich region, and by 1928, his forces had taken control of Hengam Island, establishing a customs post that challenged the Dubai-aligned local leadership.[2]: 61–62
Reza Shah also sought to modernize and secularize the region, continuing measures initiated by the Qajars in the 1880s. These efforts included increased taxation, enforcing Western-style clothing, and banning traditional beards—changes that were met with resistance from many Iranians aiming to preserve their Muslim identity. Additionally, the Shah mandated the use of standardized Persian (Farsi) in schools, replacing Arabic, and sought to diminish the influence of what one source described as a distinctly Arab culture in areas like written deeds.[2]: 61–62
Economic difficulties and unpopular policies prompted many Iranians, including Baluch families, to emigrate, seeking better opportunities abroad. Communities from Khorramshahr to Lengeh left Iran during this period, unable to maintain their traditional way of life and language. This migration laid the foundation for the growing Iranian diaspora in the Persian Gulf.[2]: 62–63
Between 1920 and 1940, before World War II, more families migrated from Bushehr to Bahrain to avoid the on-going conflict between Reza Shah and the English.[7]: 20
In the 1920s, a wave of nationalism began to sweep through the ‘Ajam community in Bahrain, inspired by Reza Shah's rise to power in 1925 and his modernizing efforts, which promised to bring Iran closer to contemporary standards of living.[64]: 34 By the late 1920s, the Iranian schools in Bahrain had intensified their nationalist activities to a controversial level.[64]: 34 It was around this time that there was fear of the Ajams in Bahrain.[7]: 44 Anything that happens in Iran that is annoying to Bahrain or another side of the Gulf, the pressure is immediately put on Iranians living in Bahrain or the rest of the Gulf in general.[7]: 44
After Reza Shah came to power, and the nationalist policy he had, there was a fear of the Ajams (Persians) in Bahrain. Anything that happened in Iran that was disturbing to Bahrain or the Gulf, the pressure would come directly on us Iranians in Bahrain. This is a characteristic we have become accustomed to and almost always prepared for in the face of any crisis between any party in Iran and any party in the Gulf. This has always been a constant in our history.
— Dr. Ali Akbar Bushehri, in Al-Waqt, History of the Persian race in Bahrain, Page 44-45
According to the Persian newspaper Shafagh-i Sorkh ("The Red Sunset"), on December 5, 1928, the principals of these schools were summoned by the consul, who conveyed that playing drums and fifes was prohibited by the Bahraini government, and the Persian flag was not to be displayed on certain occasions.[64]: 34
Most modern migration of Iranians to Bahrain started around the year 1928, according to the oldest document they had in 2009, but this doesn't mean they didn't exist before this period, recounts Dr. Ali Akbar Bushehri.[7]
During the 1930s, some conservative Sunni families have migrated from Iran to Bahrain due to the fear of Reza Shah imposed "Kashf-e hijab" law and what these families perceived as an "extreme secularism against religion" comparable to "Atatürk".[7]: 18, 33
In 1931, the two Iranian schools in Bahrain merged into a single institution named Madrase-ye Ittiḥād-e Mellī (also known as Ittiḥādi-ye Iranian or Ittiḥādiyeh), and continued to operate under this name until 1970. While the school's ownership was not officially transferred to the Iranian embassy until 1970, it had already adopted a strong Iranian nationalist identity by the late 1920s. By 1932, British sources described the Iranian school as a center of Iranian nationalism, with frequent parades where the Iranian flag was prominently flown and students were required to wear traditional Iranian hats.[64]: 35
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Between the 1950s and 1970s, Gulf Iranians sought citizenship in Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) due to economic and cultural factors. During this period, the economies of Bahrain and the UAE were experiencing rapid growth, driven by the oil boom and expanding trade networks. These developments offered better employment opportunities, access to education, and improved healthcare compared to Iran, where economic challenges and limited industrialization in some regions prompted migration. Citizenship in Bahrain and the UAE provided Gulf Iranians with access to emerging state benefits and business opportunities, fostering their integration into these wealthier Gulf states.[66]
The period 1950 to 1970 is classified as "third generation" migration.[2]: 63–64
During Bahrain's political strife in the 1950s, many Gulf Iranians began accepting Bahraini citizenship, as well as citizenship in the United Arab Emirates. Some segments of the community reportedly severed ties with their country of origin.[2]: 55
The increasing sense of Arab identity led to inter-sectarian Arab gatherings, driven by Hawala merchants whose education and experiences abroad had introduced them to the ideas of pan-Arabism and nationalism.[16]: 4
The mid-1950s uprising and the labour protests of the mid-1960s linked Bahrain's destiny to the rise of Arab nationalism, led by Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser. A significant achievement of the nationalist movement was the removal of Charles Belgrave, who had come to symbolize unwelcome Western colonial interference in the affairs of an Arab nation.[16]: 12
On 12 November 1957, Iran declared Bahrain a province,[67] with two parliamentary seats dedicated to it[68] (in the early 1900s, one parliamentary seat was reserved for Bahrain).[69] A year later in 1958 Sheikh Salman bin Hamad Al Khalifa (ruler of Bahrain) pledged allegiance to Iran.[70]
In the 1960s, the Shah turned his focus to southern Iran. He initiated road and port construction projects in the region to generate employment and established Persian language schools and hospitals both within Iran and in the Persian Gulf Arab States to strengthen ties between Iranian expatriates and their homeland. Additionally, the Shah significantly expanded Iran's military and weapons arsenal, emphasizing military service as a means of contributing to the state and demonstrating good citizenship.[2]: 64–65
Despite the significant Gulf Iranian population in Dubai, pro-Iran demonstrations did not materialize during the dispute between Iran and the UAE over Abu Musa and the Tunb islands. When Emirati Arabs protested and destroyed Iranian property following Iran's repossession of the islands, UAE President Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan compensated the affected Gulf Iranians, who remained largely apolitical.[2]: 55–56
The Persian population of Bahrain was being gradually Arabized under British Control, which made the Shah more or less dismiss it, due to its Arab identity.[71]
I went to vote as a Bahraini, but I do not want to lose my identity as a Persian.
— Musa Al-Ansari, in Al-Waqt, History of the Persian race in Bahrain, Page 51, 53
At 12:50 p.m. on March 26, 1970, London Radio announced that both Britain and Iran had submitted a request to the Secretary-General of the United Nations to send a representative from the international organization to survey the opinion of the people of Bahrain as to whether they wish to remain under British Protectorate or to have Independence or be part of Iran.[7]: 48, 52 Musa Al-Ansari recounts that he voted on the promise for the country to be an independent democratic country that respects minorities.[7]: 51, 53
The shah felt he won Bahrain over. He understood there were two other options, either to keep things as they were and just cope, or to occupy Bahrain. Both options were beneath imperial Iran's dignity, and the world would not have accepted it either way.
— An Iranian Deplomat, in Saudi Arabia and Iran: Friends or Foes?, Page 97
By 1971, after Bahrain's independence, Gulf Iranians in Bahrain had become less overt in their nationalism. Across the Gulf, Iranian communities generally aligned their political and national activities with the interests of the indigenous Arab populations.[2]: 56
After the Iranian Revolution, Gulf Iranians, including both Iranian-descended Bahrainis and expatriates, remained politically inactive, particularly during the Iran-Iraq War. This inaction, aimed at avoiding conflicts with Gulf governments, earned some enmity from Bahrain's Arab Shi’a community for perceived indifference to local grievances.[2]: 56
Dr. Bushehri recounts that the "Khomeini Revolution" created a rift between the Ajams of Bahrain.[7]: 96 Majority of Bahraini Iranians were opposed to the Revolution, but they started supporting it over time.[7]: 96 And then they realized it is not any better, but rather with revolutionary and religious slogans.[7]: 97–98
We were proud of the revolution because it overthrew the Shah. It removed from us the worry of ambitions and expansion. But we got in new labyrinths and greed of a different kind wrapped in revolutionary and religious slogans.
— Mohammed Al-Qassab, in Al-Waqt, History of the Persian race in Bahrain, Page 97-98
Throughout the Iran-Iraq War (1980–1988), Gulf Iranians, especially in Dubai, played crucial roles in the region's economic life, regardless of their Shi’a background. Their focus on economic success rather than political activism became a recurring theme in observations of the community.[2]: 56
In 1993 the Persian "Isfahani Restaurant" was opened in Bahrain by two Persian brothers.[72]
Between 1994 and 1999, the 1990s uprising in Bahrain took place in which leftists, liberals and Islamists joined forces to demand democratic reforms. Gulf Iranians refrained from addressing problems with the Bahraini government or engaging in inter-sectarian conflicts. Many were noted for their support of Gulf governments, countering claims that their loyalties might align strictly along sectarian lines.[2]: 56–57
After the Revolution in Iran, the Iranian School was renamed to "Islamic Republic School."[citation needed] At that time, the school was being funded and operated by the Iranian Ministry of Education.[64]: 293–294 The 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran led to a shift in the school's ideological framework and curriculum.[64]: 293–294 Prior to the Revolution, the school followed a secular approach influenced by the Pahlavi dynasty for nearly 70 years.[64]: 293–294 For over seventy-five years, the school has provided education to multiple generations in Bahrain.[64]: 293–294 In 1996, the "Iranian school" was shutdown by the Bahraini government.[64][73]
In 2002, Bahraini's King, Hamad Bin Isa, announced many of the Ajams of Bahrain as Bahraini citizens and granted them citizenships.[citation needed] He was gererally very welcoming of the Ajams, regardless of their background or ethnic group.[citation needed]
In 2003, Khatami visited Bahrain which marked the first visit of an Iranian president to Bahrain since 25 years,[74] Khatami gave a lecture in the Arabic language at the Gulf Hotel in Manameh.[7]: 97 Bushehri recounts "The place was buzzing with Ajams, support, and prayers. Me and two of my friends were there. Everyone raises their voices in prayer except for us. For the first time, I felt that I had become a minority among a minority. Three people, a minority among 1,500.[7]: 97
The Bahraini people became considerably very religious after the 1979 events,[7]: 99–100 and the Wahhabi movement in Saudi which was strengthened by oil exports,[75]: 61–62 Musa Al-Ansari recounts: "I do not know why the revolution took this character in Bahrain. The fanaticism that exists in Bahrain does not exist in Iran. In Iran you will see people listening to music and songs, women in half-veils laughing in the street. Here you are an infidel if you listen to a cassette or hear singing. Bahrain is a completely different situation."[7]: 99–100 Al-Qassab wonders, "where did we get all this fanaticism from?" to which Al-Ansari responds "From Islamic Extremism."[7]: 100–101
In the year 2009, the Iranians of Bahrain were estimated to be around 20% of the local population.[7]: 7 [note 1]
In 2024, Bahrain restored diplomatic relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran.[77]
Some of the new generation of Ajams of Bahrain do not identify much religiously and do not give attention to issues such as sectarianism or over religiosity, and rather view all their peers of different religious backgrounds as one.[citation needed] There is a notable secular (or non-religious) population among them.[2]: 42
They accuse us of not having loyalty. What do they mean, that we have no loyalty? The aggressor will not differentiate between an Arab and a non-Arab. We must all defend this land. That brings us together.
While students in Iran study Formal Arabic,[78] Bahrainis of Iranian origin or ancestry (whatever their background) cannot study Persian (Farsi), or any Iranian language, the suggestion was made between 1919-1923 and ignored.[64]: 292 Citizenship laws in the Gulf Arab states currently mandate prolonged residency and a satisfactory proficiency in Arabic as prerequisites for applying for citizenship. This can indefinitely extend the stateless status of many Gulf Iranians, particularly those facing linguistic or other challenges.[2]: 49 Furthermore, online content about the country's Persian minority is virtually absent, and media outlets are forbidden from using the Persian language or addressing Persian culture.[79] This may explain why a lot of families of Iranian descent chose not to teach their children their ethnic language as a first tongue.
One of the key reasons behind the Bahraini government's promotion of an "Arab identity" framework among its population is to mitigate its deep-rooted historical ties with Iran and its Persian community (Ajam), as well as the indigenous Arab Shi’a (Baharna).[2]: 72 The intertwined history of Bahrain and Iran, along with their respective peoples, dates back to at least the 5th century BCE during the Achaemenid Empire.[2]: 72 Over the centuries, both regions have vied for control of the Gulf, with influence shifting back and forth since pre-Islamic times.[2]: 72 Notably, during the Sassanian Empire, parts of the Arabian Peninsula and Iraq, now predominantly Arab-controlled, were once under Iranian rule.[2]: 72 The Gulf Arab states have focused on cultural autonomy and preserving a distinctly Arabian and Islamic national identity, as evidenced by their national constitutions.[80] Furthermore, the ruling families (in the Gulf) have set a precedent by removing all traces of their transnational connections from their national narratives.[80] In the Gulf today, public discourse regarding the Persian, Indian, and African mothers of former shaykhs and shaykhas is heavily discouraged.[80] Gulf nationals who cannot trace their ancestry to Arabian origins and tribal affiliations are typically excluded from high-ranking government positions, while those with no Arab lineage are often limited to the most junior roles.[80] The notable exceptions to this trend seem to be Oman and, since 2000, Bahrain.[80] Additionally, Shi‘i Arabs face varying degrees of discrimination depending on the state.[80] Consequently, a historian relying on the accounts of a Gulf Arab family is likely to encounter a curated history that serves contemporary interests.[80]
Shias in Bahrain or people of a Shia background in general (including Bahranis, and Shia Ajams) face discrimination,[80] and are often called "Majoos",[81] a term invented by Arabs for Zoroastrians; who are a minority today, often accused of "worshipping fire" as well,[82] which is untrue as Zoroastrians worship "Ahuramazda" and the fire to them is as holy as the Kaabah is to Muslims). It is worth noting that the majority of Bahrain's Shia population are Bahrani people who are mostly (around 50%) eastern Arabs and (around 30%~) North West Asian (Iranian, Caucasian, and Mespotamian) according to their genes,[citation needed] and the two (Baharna and Ajams) can be often conflated by many.[81] Many individuals, particularly those who view all Shias as 'Iranian Majoos,' also accuse them of being subservient to the Islamic Republic of Iran.[81] It is important to note that this perception has been prevalent among some Sunni (Achum) Iranians,[83] ultimately leading to unintended consequences for them.[84] While it is noted that they were also known as "Ajam" in the past,[16] The Sunni Ajams do not face such discrimination,[85] and many of them identify as "Hawala"[7]: 9 [24][25][26] or Arab,[86] and/or reject the term "Ajam."[15] It is also noted that this group (the "Ajam" who later adopted the title "Huwala") introduced Nationalism during the heyday of Gamal Abdel Naser as means of fighting colonialism.[16][2]: 64
Since 1980s till mid 2000s, a lot of "Bidoon" Iranians have been deported back to Iran,[2] many of which were working for BAPCO, the island's oil company, claimed to have been an attempt to open up more jobs for the native Bahraini population.[2]: 74–75
Based on a study in 2013, the researcher noted: the linguistic and religious situation of Sunni Persians in Bahrain is thorny and sometimes it is intentionally confused between "Hole\Hawala Arabs" and "Sunni Persians".[27] The same study also claims that Sunni Achomis did not face any systematic racism.[27] Some Sunni Achomis actively reject efforts to attribute Arab origins to their heritage.[85]
In 2015, Al-Wasat columnist and journalist “Hani Al-Fardan” wrote an article in which he explained (indirectly) that a lot of people are getting in the fashion of changing their family names either for political or financial reasons, he explained “if one knew the original names and the names they changed to, they wouldn’t be surprised.”[87]
In 2019, Dr. Abdullah Madani, writer of Al-Ayam newspaper and specialist in Asian affairs, describes in an article how a Bahraini of Persian origin once protested to him that he used his family name among the Ajams. Bahrain has brought. Madani had dedicated one of his articles to Bahrainis of Ajam of Iranian race and especially Shiites. In his article entitled "Kabir al-Ajam fe Al-Bahrain", he mentioned the name of "Akbari" family as one of the most famous Ajam families in Bahrain, along with the names of many other families. Ismail Akbari (husband of writer Sosan Al-Shaer and father of Bahrain Consultative Council member Bassam Ismail Al-Bon Mohammad "Akbari") strongly protested. In his opinion, the name "Ajam" refers only to Shias of Iranian origin, not to Sunnis, and his family, who are "Bastaki", not "Ajami".[15]
In October 2024, the Arab Gulf States held their first joint meeting with the European Union in a considerable period. The meeting concluded with the EU affirming the position of the Gulf countries that the islands of Abu Musa, Greater Tunb, and Lesser Tunb are sovereign territories of the United Arab Emirates.[88] This development provoked a response from the Islamic Republic of Iran, in which Kamal Kharazi, head of Iran's Strategic Council on Foreign Relations claimed Bahrain's Iranian/Persian identity.[89] In response, members of Bahrain's parliament rejected the claim, stating that Bahrain is historically Arab.[89] and that Iran is merely trying to "export its internal crisis."[89][90] This included statements from MP Members of Iranian ancestry, such as Mohammed Hassan Janahi, who reiterated that "all Bahrainis firmly stand with their country’s Arab identity," Hesham Abdulaziz Al-Awadhi, who "affirmed Bahrain's Arab identity" and Mohamed Yousif Al-Maarafi who stated "Bahrain has been Arab since its founding."[89] These statements reignited anti-Persian, anti-Iranian, and anti-Shia sentiments, with many resorting to the term “Majus” (مجوس) as a derogatory slur on social media.[91] The specific target of this insult remains unclear, as the term has historically been used against Shias (including the indigenous Arab Baharna), Shia Arab Iraqis, Iranians, and even Bahrain's Ajam community.
Languages
The Ajam speak southern Iranian languages and Farsi dialects distinctive to the cities they have originated from:
Achomi/Laristani: known as "Khodmooni" in Bahrain, and sometimes referred to as "Ajami" or "Holi",[24][14] a branch of the old Pahlavi "Middle" Persian (Pārsīk).[22][23] This is the original tongue and language of the Achomi people.
Luri: a branch of Middle "Pahlavi" Persian (Pārsīk).[94][95] Original tongue of the Lur people. The Bushehri variants are similar to the Bahraini/Bushehri Farsi dialect.[96]
Below is a comparison chart of English, Modern Standard Arabic, Bahraini Arabic, Achomi, Standard New Persian, Bahraini/Bushehri New Persian, and Iranian/Tehrani New Persian:
He did not know what to do, suddenly he thought that he could go to the camel's home.
Arabic: لم يكن يعرف ماذا يفعل، فجأة فكر أنه يستطيع الذهاب إلى بيت الجمل., romanized: lam yakun yaerif madha yafeila, faj'atan fakar 'anah yastatie aldhahab 'iilaa bayt aljumli.
Arabic: ما كان ايعرف شيسوي، مرة وحده فكر انه يگدر يروح بيت الجمل., romanized: Ma kan ya‘ref shesawi, marra waḥda fakkar ennah yigdar yirūḥ bait il-jamal
Persian: اُشنا فَمی چُنگ بُکُن، اِرانِ اَفِک کَت کِه اُ چی اَ خونَه ی دامونِ اُشتُری, romanized: oshna fami chong bokon, erani a fek kat ke oi chi akhonaye damone oshtori
Standard Farsi: او نمی دانست چه کند، ناگهان فکر کرد که می تواند به خانه شتر برود, romanized: u namidanast che konad, nagahan fekr kard keh metavanad beh khaney shetar beravad
Tehrani Farsi: او نمیدونست چیکار کنه، یهو فکر کرد که میتونه بره خونه شتر., romanized: ou namidanast che kar koneh, yaho fekr kard keh metoneh bereh khoney shetar
Sultaneez was a local Bahraini band that operated between 1989 and 2003, they are known for laying the foundation for "Bandari music," they have produced songs in Achomi (Bastaki dialect), Farsi, and Arabic. Their Bastaki song "Naz Akon Naz Akon" inspired by Yusuf Hadi Bastaki's folkloric song of the same name, is one of the most popular songs of this group.[105] Kouros Shahmiri's song "Naz Nakon", which was released later (1998 AD),[106][note 2][107] was inspired by Sultaneez's song "Naz Akon", which was released on June 25, 1990.[108][note 3] Additionally, the song "Chai Chayi" by Koros was also inspired by the song of Soltaniz "Chayi Chayeem Kalam Dard Akon", which was released in 1989.[109][110] Their legacy still lives on to this day, and many Bahraini Iranians listen to them to remember their roots.
Other Bahraini Persian bands include:
Al-Kawakib (فرقة الکواکب البحرینیة)
Sharks (فرقة شارکس البحرینیة)
Al-Ghuraba'a (فرقة الغرباء البحرینیة)
Al-Danah (فرقة الدانة البحرینیة) - This group was composed of "Janahi" family members.
One of the notable local delicacies of the Achomi Persians in Bahrain is Mahyawa, consumed in Southern Iran (and specifically in Irahistan) as well, is a watery earth brick coloured sauce made from sardines and consumed with bread or other food.
Another one is Khanfaroosh, Khan (خان) meaning "House" and Foroosh (فروش) meaning "Selling," which translates to "Selling of the house."[112][113] It has "Achomi" roots in southern Iran (particularly Hormozgan province).[114][115]
Another local "Achomi" delicacy is "pishoo" (Persian: پیشو) made from rose water (golab) and agar.[9]
Cham-Chamoo is a sweet naan that is made similar to Qeshm Island version.
Famous Iranian restaurants in Bahrain include "Isfahani" (named after Isfahan) and "Takht Jamshid" (named after a famous historical site in Persopolis).[72][121]
Many of the previously mentioned families are of Persian origin based on historical records and the locations of their ancestral homelands.[2][9] However, many choose to identify as Arabs to avoid discrimination or controversy.[9] Ultimately, this often depends on the strength of their Persian cultural ties and the surrounding environment, which can lead to differing views within the same family about whether their heritage is Persian or Arab.[9]
It is also common for these families to add "Al" (Arabic: ال), meaning "The," to their surnames to make them sound more Arabic.[9][80] Some view this as abandoning or distancing themselves from their Persian roots, while others see it as a way to avoid racial issues. This shift is evident today, as many have adopted Arabic attire and now only speak fluent Arabic.[9]
The Achums of Bastak, led by Sheikh Abdul Noor Al Bastaki, are credited with opening the first hotel in Bahrain.[125][126] The Bahrain Hotel, still referred to by locals as ‘Abdul Noor’s Hotel,’ officially opened in 1950, although construction began as early as the 1920s. The Bahrain Hotel is set to undergo a revamp and makeover.[125][126]
Chandal - woods used in constructing the roof of old buildings.
Bādgir - towers with single or two, three or four sided openings above dwellings in order to let wind air into the building to create a current and hence cool the air inside the lower floor rooms. Now they refer to them as "Mulgaf" (ملقف) instead.
Hast - Existing, for example Bahrainis sometimes say "Sh-hast?" (Meaning: What's up?).[127]: 43
The migration of the Bushehri community to Bahrain led to a significant rise in the importation of certain goods, including books, rosewater, tea, and spirits, which distinguished them from the local Arab population.[2]: 60
Persians in Bahrain are known and are famous in Bahrain for bread-making.[128]
Matam Al-Ajam Al-Kabeer (Arabic:مأتم العجم الكبير) is the first Persian Matam and the largest such matam in Bahrain. It was founded in Fareej el-Makharqa by Abdul-Nabi Al-Kazerooni, a rich Persian merchant who was a representative of the Persian community in the council of the hakimIsa ibn Ali Al Khalifa.[129] Himself an immigrant from the Dashti region of Iran, he single-handedly organised processions, collected donations and hired orators (Arabic: خطيب) to speak at the matam.[129] Construction started in 1882 as a specialized building where Ashura, a holy day in Shia Islam, would be marked with processions, ceremonial flagellation and passion plays commemorating the death of Imam Hussain.[130] The matam is still used for this purpose.
It was originally built with simple construction material such as palm tree trunks and leaf stalks. The matam was formally established in 1904 where it was decided that the matam would be renovated with rocks, clay and cement.[131] Initially in the 1890s, the matam was primarily supported by Persian merchants, with two-thirds of the donation coming from the Bushehri and Safar family, respectively. For much of the 20th century, the matam had relied on yearly donations of money and land from rich and poor members of the Persian community and from waqf revenue.[130] The matam also had an emergency relief fund that was to be distributed to the poor and to needy individuals; the matam provided financial aid and shelter to people following the collapse of the pearling market in the 1930s.[130]
Upon the death of Abdul-Nabi Al-Kazerooni in 1927, Abdul Nabi Bushehri, himself a Persian immigrant from Bushehr and a well-respected figure in the Persian community, took control of the matam.[129] Unlike his close friend, Bushehri ran the matam with other notables of the Persian community, forming a de facto board. Upon Bushehri's death in 1945, the board took over. In order to prevent confusion, the board appointed a specific member, Hasan Baljik, to act as key carrier to the matam and responsible for programs and budgetary issues.[129] In 1971, an administrative board consisting of a president, vice president, secretary, treasurer and others was set up, all of whom were rich merchants.[129]
The name "Manāmah" was first recorded around the year 730 AH (approximately 1330 AD) during the visit of Turān Shah of Hurmuz to the island. At that time, it had already been annexed by his predecessor, Tahamtam II of Hurmuz.[127]: 23
Derived from two words, meaning I and Speech. Originally it was called simply "Manamah" before being renamed to Al-Manamah. In Persian, "man" (من) means "me," and "nameh" (نامه) means "letter," similar to the structure of words like "Shah Nameh" (Book of Kings).
Some claim that Al-Manama is actually derived from Arabic Al-Muna'amah (المنعمة) and its people were referred to as Almuna'ami; in the Shia book by Sayyed Mohsen Alameen "A'yan Alshia" (أعيان الشيعة) a Shi'a scholar from Manama or Muna'ama was mentioned Shaykh Ali bin Umran bin Fayad Almuna'ami Albahrani (شيخ علي بن عمران بن فياض المنعمي البحراني)
Like the name of a village in Gotvand County, Khuzestan, Iran – contrary to the original name, this place is not oppression, and it has become the city of lovers.[132]
Would translate as "the peaceful settlement" or "the place of peace," with "سلم" (Salm) meaning "peace" and "آباد" implying a settled or prosperous area.
Would translate as "the settlement of sadness" or "the place of sorrow," as "کرب" (Karb) refers to "sadness" or "distress" and "آباد" again indicates a settled or inhabited place.
The term "Dabistan" (دبستان) is a Persian word that typically means "school" or "place of learning."[127]: 134
Dab (دب) refers to "learning" or "education."
-stan (اِستان) is a suffix meaning "place" or "land of."
So, Dabistan can be understood as "the place of learning" or simply "a school."
While the last known location of Al-Ittihad school (Persian: دبستان اتحاد ملی, romanized: Dabistan Ittihad Melli, lit. 'National Union Primary School') is known to have been in Manama,[62][73] it is possible that the school at some point may have been located here.
Three fish.[127] On the origins of the name Samahīj, al-Bakri quoting others says: "Samāhīj is from Persian se (three) and māhi (fish) and hence, 'the three fish'." The sound change in the final "i < y" of the Persian form māhi is rather pronounced locally "-j" which is a phonetic feature known as "aj ajah" and ascribed to Qudā-ah tribes as in the word Tamīmi (a person belonging to bani Tamīm tribes) realized Tamīmij.[127]: 22, 134
Munira Fakhro (Arabic: منيرة فخرو), a prominent figure among Bahrain's Ajams community, faced oppression as her efforts for liberal and democratic reforms were overshadowed. Despite her advocacy, she was often ignored and demonized, while the public gave their support to Islamist political parties. This shift in support ultimately empowered Islamist factions over more liberal or democratic movements in Bahrain, sidelining her vision for a more progressive political landscape.
Karim Fakhrawi, co-founder of Al-Wasat, considered one of the more popular newspapers in Bahrain by winning numerous awards
Ahmed Sultan (Arabic: أحمد سلطان) - Executive Director – International Offices & Business Development (Manufacturing, Transport & Logistics) at Economic Development Board (EDB) and former Sultanies band lead singer.[136]
Sonya Janahi (Arabic: سونيا جناحي) - ILO Governing Body Member, IOE employers VP Asia, Bahrain Chamber Board Member, University of Bahrain Board Member, Franchise Expert, Keynote Speaker. Achomi, Sunni background.[86]
Khalid Fouad (Arabic: خالد فؤاد) - Bahraini Singer of maternal Achomi ancestry.
Khaled Janahi (Arabic: خالد جناحي) - Chairman of Vision 3, Member of Bahrain Economic Development Board and former partner at Pricewaterhouse Coopers. Sunni background.
Eman Aseery (Arabic: ايمان اسيري) - Bahraini Poet.
Hossein Asiri (Arabic: حسين اسيري) - Bahraini Achomi singer who sings in Bahraini Arabic, Farsi and Achomi.[137][138]
Neyla Janahi (Arabic: محمد القصاب) - Bahrain TV Presenter. Achomi, Sunni background.
Linda Janahi (Arabic: لِندا جناحي) - Chief of Corporate Services at Bahrain EDB.[136] Achomi.
Mohammed Al-Alawi (Arabic: محمد العلوي) - Chief of Marketing & Communications at Bahrain EDB.[136]
Redha Al-Ansari (Arabic: رضا الأنصاري) - Executive Director – Research at Bahrain EDB.[136] Achomi.
Dr. Ali Akbar Bushehri (Arabic: د. علي اكبر بوشهري) - historical researcher.[7]
Musa Al-Ansari (Arabic: موسى الأنصاري) - Secretary General of the Al-Ikha'a Association.[7] Achomi.
Youssef Amr Allah (Arabic: يوسف امرالله) - Administrative Member - Al-Ikha'a Association”.[7]
Jaafar Abdeen (Arabic: جعفر عابدين) - Member - Al-Ikha'a Association.[7]
Nasser Hussein (Arabic: ناصر حسين) - Member - Al-Ikha'a Association.[7]
Mahmoud Al-Qassab (Arabic: محمد القصاب) - Deputy Secretary-General of the National Rally Democratic Association.[7]
Samira Rajab (Arabic: سميرة رجب) - A Ba’athist political activist who identifies as a Bahrani Arab Ba’athist. Her mother is of Iranian descent, which may explain her Iranian-like appearance. She's known for her extreme pro-government role in the 2011 protests.
Fatima Kaziruni (Arabic: فاطمة كازروني) - Bahraini host and actress.
Shaima'a Rahimi (Arabic: شيماء رحيمي) - Bahraini media figure and actress.
Mohammed Hassan Janahi - member of parliament.[89]
Hesham Abdulaziz Al-Awadhi - member of parliament.[89]
Mohamed Yousif Al-Maarafi - member of parliament.[89]
^Bozorgmehr, Mehdi (2009). "Iran". In Mary C. Waters; Reed Ueda; Helen B. Marrow (eds.). The New Americans: A Guide to Immigration since 1965. Harvard University Press. p. 469. ISBN978-0-674-04493-7.
^Frye, Richard Nelson; Zarrinkoub, Abdolhosein (1975). "Section on The Arab Conquest of Iran". Cambridge History of Iran. 4. London: 46.
^ abc"Western Iranian languages History". Destination Iran. 2024-06-16. Archived from the original on 2024-11-28. Retrieved 2024-11-28. Achomi or Khodmooni (Larestani) is a southwestern Iranian language spoken in southern Fars province and the Ajam (non-arab) population in Persian Gulf countries such as UAE, Bahrain, and Kuwait. It is a descendant of Middle Persian and has several dialects including Lari, Evazi, Khoni, Bastaki, and more.
^ abTaherkhani, Neda; Ourang, Muhammed (2013). "A Study of Derivational Morphemes in Lari & Tati as Two Endangered Iranian Languages: An Analytical Contrastive Examination with Persian"(PDF). Journal of American Science. ISSN1545-1003. Lari is of the SW branch of Middle Iranian languages, Pahlavi, in the Middle period of Persian Language Evolution and consists of nine dialects, which are prominently different in pronunciation (Geravand, 2010). Being a branch of Pahlavi language, Lari has several common features with it as its mother language. The ergative structure (the difference between the conjugation of transitive and intransitive verbs) existing in Lari can be mentioned as such an example. The speech community of this language includes Fars province, Hormozgan Province and some of the Arabic-speaking countries like the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait, and Oman (Khonji, 2010, p. 15).
^ abcde"الجناحية /البستكية/العوضية/الكوخردية/الكرمستجية................الخ - صفحة 1". janahi-vip.ahlamontada.net (in Arabic). Archived from the original on 2024-09-12. Retrieved 2024-09-12. بس انا جناحيه و عمري ماسمعت احد من اهلي او من غير اهلي يقول ان احنا في الاصل عجم مو هوله !! انا مو منزعجه من هالشي لان عادي .. بس استغربت لاني ماقد سمعت بهالشي .. و الاهل كلهم يتكلمون هولي مو عجمي واعرف الفرق بين العجمي و الهولي" "انتوا بالبحرين العجمي عندكم يعني الفارسي الشيع انا ماودي اتطرق للمذاهب لكن لازم اوضّح لج لكن اذا جيتي لمصطلح العجمي عندنا فهو يعني الغير عربي مايعني فقط الفارسي الشيعي !! فهمتي علي ! [But I’m from Janahi, and I’ve never heard anyone, from my family or others, say that we’re originally *Ajam* and not *Hawla*!! I’m not upset about this because it’s fine… but I was surprised because I’ve never heard that before. My family all speak Hawla, not *Ajami*, and I know the difference between *Ajami* and *Hawla*.In Bahrain, for you, *Ajami* means Shia Persian. I don’t want to get into religious sects, but I need to clarify this for you. However, if you come to our term *Ajami*, it means non-Arab. It doesn’t only mean Shia Persian! Do you get what I’m saying?]
^"Discovering Bakhtiari, Qashqai and Mamasani Nomads". Sunny Iran. Retrieved 2024-12-05. Mamasani tribe living in Mamasani city in the northwest of Fars province speaks Lori language. This tribe currently consists of four tribes: Baksh, Javid, Enemy Ziari and Rostam.
^Yunusbayev, Bayazit; Metspalu, Mait; Metspalu, Ene; Valeev, Albert; Litvinov, Sergei; Valiev, Ruslan; Akhmetova, Vita; Balanovska, Elena; Balanovsky, Oleg; Turdikulova, Shahlo; Dalimova, Dilbar (2015-04-21). "The Genetic Legacy of the Expansion of Turkic-Speaking Nomads across Eurasia". PLOS Genetics. 11 (4): e1005068. doi:10.1371/journal.pgen.1005068. ISSN1553-7404. PMC4405460. PMID25898006. Our ADMIXTURE analysis (Fig 2) revealed that Turkic-speaking populations scattered across Eurasia tend to share most of their genetic ancestry with their current geographic non-Turkic neighbors. This is particularly obvious for Turkic peoples in Anatolia, Iran, the Caucasus, and Eastern Europe, but more difficult to determine for northeastern Siberian Turkic speakers, Yakuts and Dolgans, for which non-Turkic reference populations are absent. We also found that a higher proportion of Asian genetic components distinguishes the Turkic speakers all over West Eurasia from their immediate non-Turkic neighbors. These results support the model that expansion of the Turkic language family outside its presumed East Eurasian core area occurred primarily through language replacement, perhaps by the elite dominance scenario, that is, intrusive Turkic nomads imposed their language on indigenous peoples due to advantages in military and/or social organization.
^Yepiskoposian, L.; et al. (2011). "The Location of Azaris on the Patrilineal Genetic Landscape of the Middle East (A Preliminary Report)". Iran and the Caucasus. 15 (1): 73–78. doi:10.1163/157338411X12870596615395.
^ abcdeHoles, Clive (2001). Dialect, Culture, and Society in Eastern Arabia: Glossary. BRILL. pp. XXIV–XXVI. ISBN978-9004107632. Thus the elements in the pre-Islamic ethno-linguistic situation in eastern Arabia appear to have been a mixed tribal population of partially Christianised Arabs of diverse origins who probably spoke different old Arabian vernaculars; a mobile Persian-speaking population, possibly of traders and administrators, with strong links to Persia, which they maintained close contact; a small sedentary, non-tribal community of Aramaic-speaking agriculturalists; a Persian clergy, who we know for certain, used Syriac as a language of liturgy and writing more generally, probably alongside Persian as a spoken language.
^Husain Syed, Muzaffar (2011). A concise history of Islam. Syed Saud Akhtar, Babuddin Usmani (unabridged ed.). Vij Books India Pvt Ltd. pp. 421–3. ISBN9789382573470. Retrieved 1 September 2015.
^Robert Bertram Serjeant (1968). "Fisher-folk and fish-traps in al-Bahrain". Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. 31 (3). SOAS: 488. JSTOR614301.
^"أخذ رسول الله ﷺ الجزية من مجوس البحرين - سنن الترمذي". hadithprophet.com (in Arabic). Archived from the original on 2024-02-27. Retrieved 2024-09-07. «أخذ رسول الله صلى الله عليه وسلم الجزية من مجوس البحرين» [The Messenger of God, may God bless him and grant him peace, took the jizya from the Magians of Bahrain.]
^Mehr, Farhang (1997), A Colonial Legacy: The Dispute Over the Islands of Abu Musa, and the Greater and Lesser Tumbs, University Press of America, p. 51, ISBN9780761808770
^de Planhol, Xavier (15 December 1988), "BAHRAIN", Encyclopædia Iranica, Vol. III, Fasc. 5, pp. 506–510
^Mojtahed-Zadeh, Pirouz (2013). Security and Territoriality in the Persian Gulf: A Maritime Political Geography. Routledge. p. 131. ISBN978-0700710980.
^Askari, Hossein (2013). Conflicts in the Persian Gulf: Origins and Evolution. Springer. p. 131. ISBN9781137358387.
^Keynoush, Banafsheh (2016), Saudi Arabia and Iran: Friends or Foes?, Springer, p. 96, ISBN978-1137589392
^ abالمحلية, المنامة-محرر الشئون. "للمرة الثالثة... سقوط أجزاء من المدرسة الإيرانية". صحيفة الوسط البحرينية (in Arabic). Archived from the original on 2019-07-29. Retrieved 2024-09-08. وأبدى الأهالي «تخوفهم من إصابة الأطفال الذين عادة ما يلعبون بالقرب من مبنى المدرسة الذي أصبح قديما جدا كما انه قريب جدا من أحد المساجد ما يعرض مرتادي المسجد للخطر في حال دخولهم أوخروجهم من وإلى المسجد». يشار إلى أن المدرسة الايرانية تم اقفلها بالتزامن مع انتفاضة التسعينات في العام 1996 بعدما اتهمت البحرين إيران بالتدخل في شئونها الداخلية. وتأسست المدرسة في أواخر القرن التاسع عشر الميلادي، وتعتبر من أوائل المدارس التي افتتحت في البحرين والقائمون عليها هم مجموعة من البحرينيين من ذوي الاصول الايرانية، وعلى رغم استعداد الكثير من الشخصيات لتبني إعادة بناء المبنى فإن الجهات المعنية لم تعر تلك الشخصيات أي اهتمام. ويعتبر مبنى المدرسة أحد المباني التراثية في البحرين. [The residents expressed their concerns about the potential harm to children who often play near the school building, which has become very old and is also very close to one of the mosques, posing a risk to mosque-goers when they enter or exit. It is noted that the Iranian school was closed during the uprising of the 1990s in 1996, after Bahrain accused Iran of interfering in its internal affairs. The school was established in the late 19th century and is considered one of the first schools opened in Bahrain, founded by a group of Bahrainis of Iranian descent. Despite many individuals expressing their willingness to support the reconstruction of the building, the relevant authorities have shown no interest in these individuals. The school building is regarded as one of the heritage sites in Bahrain.]
^"التعريف بالمجوس، وبيان كفرهم. - الإسلام سؤال وجواب". islamqa.info (in Arabic). Archived from the original on 2021-12-02. Retrieved 2024-09-08. المجوس هم عبدة النار، وخدامها، قال القرطبي: " (والمجوس) هم عبدة النيران القائلين أن للعالم أصلين: نور، وظلمة " انتهى من "تفسير القرطبي " (12/ 23)، وانظر"تفسير الطبري" (16/ 485). [The Magi are fire worshippers and servants. Al-Qurtubi said: “(The Magi) are fire worshippers who say that the world has two origins: light and darkness.” End quote from “Tafsir al-Qurtubi” (12/23). See also “Tafsir al-Tabari” (16/485).]
^الفردان, هاني (2015-02-22). "موضة تغيير الألقاب". صحيفة الوسط البحرينية (in Arabic). Archived from the original on 2017-05-11. Retrieved 2024-09-07. قد يسأل البعض لماذا؟ ولكن مجرد أن تعرف اللقب الأول أو المستبدل ستفهم المغزى والهدف من التبديل والتحول والتعري منه، في موقفٍ غير منطقي سوى التبرؤ من أصولهم وعوائلهم وأنسابهم طمعاً في تحقيق مكاسب آنية [Some may ask why? But once you know the first or replaced surname, you will understand the meaning and purpose of the change, transformation and stripping away from it, in an illogical position other than disavowing their origins, families and lineages in the hope of achieving immediate gains.]
^"فارسي (ايراني) او عجمي تبون تتعلمون؟للجميع" [Persian (Iranian) or Ajami, do you want to learn? For everyone]. Bahraini University Students Website (in Arabic). 2012-01-05. Archived from the original on 2024-09-08. Retrieved 2024-09-08.
^Stilo, Donald (15 December 2007). "Isfahan xxi. PROVINCIAL DIALECTS". Encyclopædia Iranica. Vol. XIV, fasc. 1. pp. 93–112. ISSN2330-4804. Retrieved 2019-04-14. While the modern SWI languages, for instance, Persian, Lori-Baḵtiāri and others, are derived directly from Old Persian through Middle Persian/Pahlavi
Fuccaro, Nelida (2005), "Mapping the transnational community: Persians and the space of the city in Bahrain c.1869-1937", in Al-Rasheed, Madawi (ed.), Transnational Connections and the Persian Gulf, Routledge, pp. 39–74, ISBN978-0-415-33135-7
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Gouvernement Camille Chautemps (1) Troisième République Données clés Président de la République Gaston Doumergue Président du Conseil Camille Chautemps Formation 21 février 1930 Fin 25 février 1930 Durée 4 jours Composition initiale Coalition PRRRS-RI-PRS-dissidents AD-PSF Représentation XIVe législature 242 / 602 Gouvernement André Tardieu I Gouvernement André Tardieu II modifier - modifier le code - voir Wikidata (aide) Le premier gouvernement Camille Chautem...
This article relies excessively on references to primary sources. Please improve this article by adding secondary or tertiary sources. Find sources: 2017 Liberal Democrats deputy leadership election – news · newspapers · books · scholar · JSTOR (January 2018) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) 2017 Liberal Democrats deputy leadership election ← 2014 20 June 2017 2019 → Candidate Jo Swinson Popular vot...
1987 video game 1985 video gameThe Earth Fighter RayiezaJapanese MSX box artDeveloper(s)EnixPax Softnica (Family Computer)Publisher(s)EnixNintendo (Family Computer)Producer(s)Yoshihiro Hosaka (Ginga no Sannin)Designer(s)Makoto KubaProgrammer(s)Makoto Kuba (Rayieza)Yukio Tamura (Ginga no Sannin)Artist(s)Shintaro MajimaGo Nagai (Ginga no Sannin characters)Writer(s)Yasuo Hasegawa (Rayieza)[1]Makoto Kuba (Ginga no Sannin)Composer(s)Y. Sawamura (Rayieza)Yukihiro Takahashi (Ginga no Sannin)...
Nationalisme Montenegro mengacu pada nasionalisme orang Montenegro dan/atau budaya Montenegro.[1] Nasionalisme Montenegro kontemporer menyatakan bahwa budaya Montenegro yang terpisah dari budaya Serbia yang muncul setelah Serbia diambil alih oleh Kesultanan Utsmaniyah di abad ke-14, sementara Montenegro tetap merdeka selama beberapa tahun, dan menghasilkan budaya yang berbeda dengan yang berkembang di Montenegro.[2] Nasionalisme Montenegro menjadi isu politik utama dalam Peran...
American professional aquanaut and Network Analyst at the NOAA Aquarius Reef Base Dominic LanducciDominic LanducciBornSt. Paul, MinnesotaNationalityAmericanEducationDominic's WebsiteOccupationAquanaut Dominic Landucci is an American professional aquanaut with the University of North Carolina Wilmington (UNCW). He served as the Network Analyst at the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration's Aquarius Reef Base, the world's only undersea research laboratory.[1][2] Early...
Katedral CanterburyCathedral Canterbury Katedral Canterbury dari gerbang kota Informasi Lokasi Canterbury Nama lengkap Katedral dan Gereja Kristen Metropolit CanterburyCathedral and Metropolitical Church of Christ at Canterbury Koordinat geografi 51°16′47″N 1°04′59″E / 51.279722°N 1.083056°E / 51.279722; 1.083056Koordinat: 51°16′47″N 1°04′59″E / 51.279722°N 1.083056°E / 51.279722; 1.083056 Kaunti Kent Negara Britania Ray...
Soraya de Visch EijbergenInformasi pribadiNama lahirSoraya de Visch EijbergenKebangsaan BelandaLahir6 Januari 1993 (umur 31)Papendrecht, BelandaTinggi170 m (557 ft 9 in)Berat53 kg (117 pon)PeganganKananPelatihRuud BoschTunggal putriPeringkat tertinggi56 (WS 26 November 2015) 118 (WD 23 Januari 2014) 246 (XD 13 September 2012)Peringkat saat ini73 (25 Juni 2019)Profil di BWF Soraya de Visch Eijbergen (lahir 6 Januari 1993) adalah pemain bulu tangkis putri...
1969 filmSpider-ManSet photo of Donald F. Glut and Donna ShannonDirected byDonald F. GlutWritten byDonald F. GlutBased onSpider-Manby Stan LeeSteve DitkoProduced byDonald F. GlutStarringDonald F. GlutDonna ShaneBob RosenJim HormonRick MitchellBill ObbargeNarrated byDonald F. GlutRelease date 1969 (1969) Running time12 minutesCountryNorth AmericaLanguageEnglish Spider-Man is a 1969 American superhero short film that was directed by Donald F. Glut. It is an unauthorized fan film, one of se...
Artikel ini tidak memiliki bagian pembuka yang sesuai dengan standar Wikipedia. Mohon tulis paragraf pembuka yang informatif sehingga pembaca dapat memahami maksud dari Takhta Merak. Contoh paragraf pembuka Takhta Merak adalah .... (Pelajari cara dan kapan saatnya untuk menghapus pesan templat ini)1635 Takhta Merak juga dikenal dengan nama Takht-e-Tavous diciptakan untuk Kaisar Mughal Shah Jahan pada abad ke-17 dan diambil dari Delhi oleh Nadir Shah dari Persia pada saat penyerbuan atas Kekai...
Joachim von Ribbentrop (di kiri) dan Baldur von Schirach dalam Pengadilan Nuernberg Baldur Benedikt von Schirach (9 Mei 1907 – 8 Agustus 1974), adalah politikus di NSDAP dari 1925 hingga 1945, pemimpin gerakan pemuda dan ketua Hitlerjugend dari 1933 hingga 1940, Gauleiter dan Reichstatthalter di Wina pada masa Perang Dunia II. Setelah perang Schirach diganjar 20 tahun penjara melalui Peradilan Nürnberg untuk kejahatan perang. Ia menghabiskan waktu di penjara Spandau, dibebask...
Part of a series onAfrican Americans History Periods Timeline Atlantic slave trade Abolitionism in the United States Slavery in the colonial history of the US Revolutionary War Antebellum period Slavery and military history during the Civil War Reconstruction era Politicians Juneteenth Civil rights movement (1865–1896) Jim Crow era (1896–1954) Civil rights movement (1954–1968) Black power movement Post–civil rights era Aspects Agriculture history Black Belt in the American South Busi...
Judo competition Judoat the Games of the XXII OlympiadVenuePalace of Sports of the Central Lenin StadiumDates27 July to 2 August 1980Competitors182 from 42 nations← 19761984 → Judo at the1980 Summer OlympicsMen60 kg65 kg71 kg78 kg86 kg95 kg+95 kgOpenvte Palace of Sports of the Central Lenin Stadium as it appears today The Judo competition at the 1980 Summer Olympics was the first time that the medal count was not dominated by Japan, since the country joined th...
Catholic bishop (1789 (1791?) – 1881) The Most ReverendJohn MacHaleArchbishop of TuamNative nameIrish: Seán Mac ÉilChurchRoman Catholic ChurchArchdioceseTuamOrdersOrdination1814by Daniel MurrayConsecration1825by Pope Leo XIIPersonal detailsBorn6 March 1789 (or 1791)Tubbernavine, County Mayo, IrelandDied7 November 1881 (aged 90 or 92)Tuam, County Galway, IrelandNationalityIrishDenominationRoman Catholic John MacHale[1] (Irish: Seán Mac Éil;[2] 6 March 1789 (or 1...
Pour les articles homonymes, voir Hérode. Hérode Ier le Grand Portrait supposé d'Hérode le Grand. Titre Roi de Judée 37 av. J.-C. – 4 av. J.-C.(33 ans) Prédécesseur Antigone II Mattathiah Successeur Hérode Archélaos (Judée, Samarie et Idumée)Hérode Antipas (Galilée et Pérée)Philippe le Tétrarque (Transjordanie) Biographie Dynastie Hérodiens Nom de naissance Hérode Date de naissance 73 av. J.-C. Lieu de naissance Ascalon (Judée) Date de décès 4 av. J.-C. ...
Artikel atau bagian mungkin perlu ditulis ulang agar sesuai dengan standar kualitas Wikipedia. Anda dapat membantu memperbaikinya. Halaman pembicaraan dari artikel ini mungkin berisi beberapa saran. Reksa dana adalah wadah dan pola pengelolaan dana/modal bagi sekumpulan investor untuk berinvestasi dalam instrumen-instrumen investasi yang tersedia di pasar modal dengan cara membeli unit penyertaan reksa dana. Dana ini kemudian dikelola oleh Manajer Investasi untuk diinvestasikan ke dalam porto...