Post-Minsk II conflict
Attacks on civilians
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Many states and international organisations reacted to the war in Donbas, a phase of the Russo-Ukrainian War that took place from 2014 to 2022 in the Donbas historical region in eastern Ukraine.
In contrast to the unanimous condemnation by western governmental spokespeople of the Russian role in the conflict, European politicians representing euroscepticism, mainly on the right of the political spectrum, criticised the role of western governments in allegedly precipitating the crisis, in some cases supporting Russian president Vladimir Putin's position.[51][52] Agence France-Presse reported that "From the far right to the radical left, populist parties across Europe are being courted by Russia's Vladimir Putin who aims to turn them into allies in his anti-EU campaign" and that "A majority of European populist parties have sided with Russia over Ukraine."[53] Some of the parties have received Russian support and financing.[54][55] After the May 2014 European parliament election, eurosceptic representation increased in that body from 92 seats to 150 (out of 751). Such opinions were expressed in Britain by Nigel Farage, leader of the UK Independence Party,[56] in France by Marine Le Pen, leader of France's far-right National Front,[57] in Austria by Heinz-Christian Strache, the chairman of the Freedom Party of Austria,[57] in the Netherlands by Geert Wilders,[57] founding leader of the Party for Freedom, and in Italy, Hungary, Slovakia, and Bulgaria. The shoot-down of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 over the Donbas conflict zone in mid-July moderated these opinions.
Reviewing votes in the EU Parliament on resolutions critical of Russia or measures not in the Kremlin's interests (e.g., the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement), Hungary's Political Capital Institute found that future members of Europe of Nations and Freedom voted "no" in 93% of cases, European United Left–Nordic Green Left in 78% of cases, and Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy in 67% of cases.[58] The writers stated that "It would therefore be logical to conclude, as others have done before, that there is a pro-Putin coalition in the European Parliament consisting of anti-EU and radical parties."[58]
Russian opposition leader Boris Nemtsov said that Russian president Vladimir Putin sought to "punish" Ukraine to prevent an anti-corruption revolution like Euromaidan from taking place in Russia.[59] Former Georgian president Mikheil Saakashvili said that Ukraine "is [Putin's] West Berlin – the taking of which was a matter of principle for Stalin and the successful protection of which ultimately reversed the spread of communism in Europe. The dismantlement of Ukraine is how Putin seeks to erode the values of the transatlantic alliance, and the future of Europe is no less at risk than it was decades ago in Germany".[60] Garry Kasparov considered the West's response to be weak, saying politicians were "lining up to become a new Chamberlain."[61][62] In February 2015, former Lithuanian president Andrius Kubilius said that he thought that "What we see in Ukraine is not a "Ukrainian crisis", nor is it a "conflict in Ukraine". This is Putin's war, which was initiated by him, which has been supported by him, which is being implemented by him, and which can only be stopped by him. [...] Mr. Putin, along with the mainstream political class in Russia, is still living with a lot of nostalgia for the imperial past".[63] The Major Archbishop of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, Sviatoslav Shevchuk, stated that the signatories of the Budapest Memorandum were failing to honour their security assurances to Ukraine, which "has been attacked and needs such guarantees more than ever".[64]
In April 2014, historian Timothy D. Snyder wrote that Russia's foreign policy was "based openly upon the ethnicization of the world. It does not matter who an individual is according to law or his own preferences: that fact that he speaks Russian makes him a Volksgenosse requiring Russian protection, which is to say invasion."[65] Although majorities in all regions voted to be part of an independent Ukraine during the 1991 referendum, former Czech president Václav Klaus, said that Ukraine was an artificially created state, and that Ukraine was in a state of civil war.[66] In an article that appeared in Foreign Affairs, John J. Mearsheimer, an American neorealist international relations theorist at the University of Chicago, assigned most of the responsibility for the crisis to the United States and the European Union.[67] He offered an invitation to "imagine the American outrage if China built an impressive military alliance and tried to include Canada and Mexico", and recommended that "the United States and its allies should abandon their plan to westernise Ukraine and instead aim to make it a neutral buffer". His article was criticised by Anders Åslund of the Peterson Institute, who said that Mearsheimer showed "contempt for democracy, national sovereignty, and international law", and that his thesis gave "Russia has the right to decide the fate of the countries in its neighbourhood in its own interest".[68] Writing in World Affairs, Mariana Budjeryn also dismissed Mearsheimer's argument, saying "That the Russians failed to design a model of development and a security arrangement that would be equally attractive and did not require arm-twisting to keep together is not the west's fault. Turns out, democracy and rule of law is not the west's property to peddle around the world, but a political model post-Communist societies chose to pursue when they were free to do so".[69]
In April 2014, a survey by infratest dimap found that 49% of Germans preferred a "middle position" for Germany between the west and Russia.[70] This was reflected in the policy of moderation and mediation that Chancellor Angela Merkel espoused over the course of the Russo-Ukrainian War.[71] After the war escalated, German public opinion turned against Russia, with 79% saying they had an unfavourable view of Russia and 82% saying Russia could not be trusted in an August 2014 poll.[72][73] Ukrainian-American historian Alexander J. Motyl criticised the Social Democratic Party of Germany for its approach to Russian aggression in Ukraine, saying that they "appear increasingly committed to doing everything possible to appease Russian imperialism".[74]
Gallup's 2014 world survey found that disapproval of the Russian leadership was highest in Norway (89%), the Netherlands (86%), Finland (86%), Switzerland (83%), Sweden (82%), Germany (81%), Ukraine (81%), Belgium (80%), Italy (78%), and Canada (77%).[75] According to a Pew survey conducted from March to May 2015, negative views of Vladimir Putin were held by three-quarters of western Europeans, North Americans, and Australians (81%), and a majority in the Middle East, with the most negative responses found in Spain (92%), Poland (87%), France (85%) and Ukraine (84%).[76] Outside of Russia (88%), the most favorable views of Putin were found in Vietnam (70%) and China (54%).[76]
Some minor organisations have been formed to support the pro-Russian militants in the Donbas region, among them the Donbas Association in Sweden.[77]
At the 30–31 August 2014 EU summit, European Commission President José Manuel Barroso told other EU leaders that, when he phoned Putin about the war in Donbas on 29 August 2014, during which Barroso said that he held Putin accountable for the military actions of separatists in eastern Ukraine, Putin allegedly replied: "The issue is not this. If I want, I can take Kyiv in two weeks."[94] In a 2 September statement to TASS, Kremlin spokesperson Yuri Ushakov did not deny Putin had made this remark, but said that "[i]t was taken out of context and had a totally different meaning."[94] The next day, Putin threatened to release the full recording and transcript of his phone call with Barroso, with ambassador Vladimir Chizhov adding that making details of a private conversation public was a breach of diplomatic protocol.[95] On 5 September, TASS stated that "EC admits Barroso's words on phone talks with Putin were made public out of context",[96] and that the Kremlin now considered the issue "closed" and no transcript would be published.[97]
However, according to a 18 September Süddeutsche Zeitung article, when Barroso visited Kyiv on 12 September 2014, Ukrainian president Petro Poroshenko told Barroso that Putin had now also expressed similar threats to him (Poroshenko) on the phone, allegedly saying: "If I wanted to, Russian troops could not only be in Kyiv in two days, but also in Riga, Vilnius, Tallinn, Warsaw or Bucharest."[98]
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The Russian invasion of Ukraine must be considered by the UN Security Council as act of aggression, the UN must react accordingly – this is war,
"It's a hybrid war that Russia has begun against Ukraine, a war with the participation of the Russian security services and the army," Turchynov said.
"[A]t the 30–31 August [2014 EU summit[,] Commission President José Manuel Barroso (...) shared what Putin told him over their last telephone conversation, held on 29 August. Barroso said he held Putin accountable for the military action of the separatists in Ukraine. At this point, Putin erupted: "The issue is not this. If I want, I can take Kyiv in two weeks," he is reported to have said.
Laut einer Gesprächszusammenfassung des Auswärtigen Dienstes der Europäischen Union, die der Süddeutschen Zeitung vorliegt, berichtete Poroschenko dem EU-Kommissionspräsidenten José Manuel Barroso am vergangenen Freitag während dessen Besuchs in Kiew von den Drohungen. Wörtlich habe Putin zu ihm, Poroschenko, gesagt: "Wenn ich wollte, könnten russische Truppen in zwei Tagen nicht nur in Kiew, sondern auch in Riga, Vilnius, Tallinn, Warschau oder Bukarest sein."
Hamengkoeboewono V Hamengkubuwono V (ook: Hamengkoeboewono V) was de vijfde sultan of koning van Yogyakarta. Deze Javaanse vorst uit de dynastie der sultans van Yogyakarta werd op 20 augustus 1821 in de kraton van Yogyakarta geboren en regeerde als zelfbestuurder in zijn aan Nederland onderworpen koninkrijk. Hamengkubuwono V overleed in 1855. Hij was de zoon van Hamengkubuwono IV. Hij regeerde voor het eerst van 19 december 1823 tot 17 augustus 1826 en werd opgevolgd door zijn grootvader Hamengk…
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For the person from the Hebrew Bible, see Nabal. This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed.Find sources: Nabal instrument – news · newspapers · books · scholar · JSTOR (May 2021) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) NabalKorean nameHangul나발Hanja喇叭Revised RomanizationnabalMcCune–Reischauer…
Sepak bola pria pada Pesta Olahraga Asia 2014LokasiStadion Incheon Munhak, Stadion Sepak Bola Incheon, Stadion Ansan Wa~, Stadion Goyang, Stadion HwaseongTanggal14 September – 2 Oktober 2014Negara29Peraih medali Korea Selatan Korea Utara Irak ← 20102019 → Artikel utama: Sepak bola pada Asian Games 2014 Sepak bola pria adalah cabang olahraga sepak bola dari Asian Games 2014 yang diselenggarakan di Incheon, Korea Selatan dari 14 September-…
This article needs to be updated. Please help update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information. (December 2011) 2011 Italian filmThe Last Man on EarthTheatrical release posterDirected byGian Alfonso PacinottiScreenplay byGian Alfonso PacinottiBased onNessuno mi farà del male2010 novelby Giacomo MontiProduced byDomenico ProcacciCinematographyVladan RadovicEdited byClelio BeneventoMusic byValerio VigliarProductioncompanyFandangoDistributed byFandangoRelease dates 8 …
Danish composer and conductor Christian Danning Sophus Christian Danning (16 June 1867 – 7 November 1925) was a Danish composer and conductor. From 1898 to 1907 he worked in Bergen as a conductor for the Bergen Philharmonic Orchestra and Den Nationale Scene, and from 1907 to 1914 he conducted at Fahlstrøms Theater. He also wrote operas such as Kynthia in 1903 and operettes such as Columbine in 1912. From 1914 to 1923 he conducted for Odense City Orchestra.[1] He was married to the Nor…
Measurement of strength of sunburn-producing ultraviolet (UV) radiation Average UV at noon 1996-2002 (European Space Agency) The ultraviolet index, or UV index, is an international standard measurement of the strength of the sunburn-producing ultraviolet (UV) radiation at a particular place and time. It is primarily used in daily and hourly forecasts aimed at the general public. The UV index is designed as an open-ended linear scale, directly proportional to the intensity of UV radiation, and ad…
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Foram assinalados vários problemas nesta página ou se(c)ção: As fontes não cobrem todo o texto. Precisa ser formatada para o padrão wiki. A ecologia vegetal é a subdisciplina da ecologia que estuda a distribuição e abundância das plantas, as interações entre membros da mesma espécie e de espécies diferentes e as suas interações com o meio ambiente. A ecologia vegetal tem origem tanto na geografia das plantas, como em estudos sobre o relacionamento entre plantas individuais e o se…
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