Assamese originated in Old Indo-Aryan dialects, though the exact nature of its origin and growth is not clear yet.[18] It is generally believed that Assamese and the Kamatapuri lects derive from the Kamarupi dialect of Eastern Magadhi Prakrit[15] though some authors contest a close connection of Assamese with Magadhi Prakrit.[19][20] The Indo-Aryan, which appeared in the 4th–5th century in Assam,[21] was probably spoken in the new settlements of Kamarupa—in urban centers and along the Brahmaputra river—surrounded by Tibeto-Burman and Austroasiatic communities.[22] Kakati's (1941) assertion that Assamese has an Austroasiatic substrate is generally assumed—which suggests that when the Indo-Aryan centers formed in the 4th–5th centuries CE, there were substantial Austroasiatic speakers that later accepted the Indo-Aryan vernacular.[21] Based on the 7th-century Chinese traveller Xuanzang's observations, Chatterji (1926) suggests that the Indo-Aryan vernacular differentiated itself in Kamarupa before it did in Bengal,[23] and that these differences could be attributed to non-Indo-Aryan speakers adopting the language.[24][25][26] The newly differentiated vernacular, from which Assamese eventually emerged, is evident in the Prakritisms present in the Sanskrit of the Kamarupa inscriptions.[27][28]
Magadhan and Gauda-Kamarupa stages
The earliest forms of Assamese in literature are found in the 9th-century Buddhist verses called Charyapada[29] the language of which bear affinities with Assamese (as well as Bengali, Bhojpuri, Maithili and Odia) and which belongs to a period when the Prakrit was at the cusp of differentiating into regional languages.[30] The spirit and expressiveness of the Charyadas are today found in the folk songs called Deh-Bicarar Git.[31]
In the 12th-14th century works of Ramai Pundit (Sunya Puran), Boru Chandidas (Krishna Kirtan), Sukur Mamud (Gopichandrar Gan), Durllava Mullik (Gobindachandrar Git) and Bhavani Das (Mainamatir Gan)[32] Assamese grammatical peculiarities coexist with features from Bengali language.[33][34] Though the Gauda-Kamarupa stage is generally accepted and partially supported by recent linguistic research, it has not been fully reconstructed.[35]
A distinctly Assamese literary form appeared first in the 13th-century in the courts of the Kamata kingdom when Hema Sarasvati composed the poem Prahlāda Carita.[36] In the 14th-century, Madhava Kandali translated the Ramayana into Assamese (Saptakanda Ramayana) in the court of Mahamanikya, a Kachari king from central Assam. Though the Assamese idiom in these works is fully individualised, some archaic forms and conjunctive particles too are found.[37][38] This period corresponds to the common stage of proto-Kamta and early Assamese.[39]
The emergence of Sankardev's Ekasarana Dharma in the 15th century triggered a revival in language and literature.[40] Sankardev produced many translated works and created new literary forms—Borgeets (songs), Ankia Naat (one-act plays)—infusing them with Brajavali idioms; and these were sustained by his followers Madhavdev and others in the 15th and subsequent centuries. In these writings the 13th/14th-century archaic forms are no longer found. Sankardev pioneered a prose-style of writing in the Ankia Naat. This was further developed by Bhattadeva who translated the Bhagavata Purana and Bhagavad Gita into Assamese prose. Bhattadev's prose was classical and restrained, with a high usage of Sanskrit forms and expressions in an Assamese syntax; and though subsequent authors tried to follow this style, it soon fell into disuse.[37] In this writing the first person future tense ending -m (korim: "will do"; kham: "will eat") is seen for the first time.[41]
Middle Assamese
The language moved to the court of the Ahom kingdom in the seventeenth century,[13] where it became the state language. In parallel, the proselytising Ekasarana dharma converted many Bodo-Kachari peoples and there emerged many new Assamese speakers who were speakers of Tibeto-Burman languages. This period saw the emergence of different styles of secular prose in medicine, astrology, arithmetic, dance, music, besides religious biographies and the archaic prose of magical charms.[37]
Most importantly this was also when Assamese developed a standardised prose in the Buranjis—documents related to the Ahom state dealing with diplomatic writings, administrative records and general history.[37] The language of the Buranjis is nearly modern with some minor differences in grammar and with a pre-modern orthography. The Assamese plural suffixes (-bor, -hat) and the conjunctive participles (-gai: dharile-gai; -hi: pale-hi, baril-hi) become well established.[42] The Buranjis, dealing with statecraft, was also the vehicle by which Arabic and Persian elements crept into the language in abundance.[37] Due to the influence of the Ahom state the speech in eastern Assam took a homogeneous and standard form.[43] The general schwa deletion that occurs in the final position of words came into use in this period.
Modern Assamese
The modern period of Assamese begins with printing—the publication of the Assamese Bible in 1813 from the Serampore Mission Press. But after the British East India Company (EIC) removed the Burmese in 1826 and took complete administrative control of Assam in 1836, it filled administrative positions with people from Bengal, and introduced Bengali language in its offices, schools and courts.[44] The EIC had earlier promoted the development of Bengali to replace Persian, the language of administration in Mughal India,[45] and maintained that Assamese was a dialect of Bengali.[46]
Amidst this loss of status the American Baptist Mission (ABM) established a press in Sibsagar in 1846 leading to publications of an Assamese periodical (Orunodoi), the first Assamese grammar by Nathan Brown (1846), and the first Assamese-English dictionary by Miles Bronson (1863).[42] The ABM argued strongly with the EIC officials in an intense debate in the 1850s to reinstate Assamese.[47] Among the local personalities Anandaram Dhekial Phukan drew up an extensive catalogue of medieval Assamese literature (among other works) and pioneered the effort among the natives to reinstate Assamese in Assam.[48] Though this effort was not immediately successful the administration eventually declared Assamese the official vernacular in 1873 on the eve of Assam becoming a Chief Commissioner's Province in 1874.[49]
Standardisation
In the extant medieval Assamese manuscripts the orthography was not uniform. The ABM had evolved a phonemic orthography based on a contracted set of characters.[50] Working independently Hemchandra Barua provided an etymological orthography and his etymological dictionary, Hemkosh, was published posthumously. He also provided a Sanskritised approach to the language in his Asamiya Bhaxar Byakaran ("Grammar of the Assamese Language") (1859, 1873).[51] Barua's approach was adopted by the Asamiya Bhasa Unnati Sadhini Sabha (1888, "Assamese Language Development Society") that emerged in Kolkata among Assamese students led by Lakshminath Bezbaroa. The Society published a periodical Jonaki and the period of its publication, Jonaki era, saw spirited negotiations on language standardisation.[52] What emerged at the end of those negotiations was a standard close to the language of the Buranjis with the Sanskritised orthography of Hemchandra Barua.[53]
As the political and commercial center moved to Guwahati in the mid-twentieth century, of which Dispur the capital of Assam is a suburb and which is situated at the border between the western and central dialect speaking regions, standard Assamese used in media and communications today is a neutral blend of the eastern variety without its distinctive features.[54] This core is further embellished with Goalpariya and Kamrupi idioms and forms.[55]
The Assamese phoneme inventory is unique in the group of Indo-Aryan languages as it lacks a dental-retroflex distinction among the coronal stops as well as the lack of postalveolar affricates and fricatives.[64] Historically, the dental and retroflex series merged into alveolar stops. This makes Assamese resemble non-Indic languages of Northeast India (such as Austroasiatic and Sino-Tibetan languages).[65] The only other language to have fronted retroflex stops into alveolars is the closely related group of eastern dialects of Bengali (although a contrast with dental stops remains in those dialects). /r/ is normally realised as [ɹ] or [ɻ].
Voiceless velar fricative
Assamese is unusual among Eastern Indo-Aryan languages for the presence of /x/ (realised as [x] or [χ], depending on the speaker and speech register), due historically to the MIA sibilants' lenition to /x/ (initially) and /h/ (non-initially).[66] The use of the voiceless velar fricative is heavy in the eastern Assamese dialects and decreases progressively to the west—from Kamrupi[67] to eastern Goalparia, and disappears completely in western Goalpariya.[68][69] The change of /s/ to /h/ and then to /x/ has been attributed to Tibeto-Burman influence by Suniti Kumar Chatterjee.[70]
In some cases, /kʰ/ can be pronounced as /χ/ or even merging with /x/ (akhɔr → axɔr "a letter (of an alphabet)").[71]
Velar nasal
Assamese, Odia, and Bengali, in contrast to other Indo-Aryan languages, use the velar nasal (the Englishng in sing) extensively. While in many languages, the velar nasal is commonly restricted to preceding velar sounds, in Assamese it can occur intervocalically.[61] This is another feature it shares with other languages of Northeast India, though in Assamese the velar nasal never occurs word-initially.[72]
Vowel inventory
Eastern Indic languages like Assamese, Bengali, Sylheti, and Odia do not have a vowel length distinction, but have a wide set of back rounded vowels. In the case of Assamese, there are four back rounded vowels that contrast phonemically, as demonstrated by the minimal set: কলাkola[kɔla] ('deaf'), ক'লাkóla[kola] ('black'), কোলাkwla[kʊla] ('lap'), and কুলাkula[kula] ('winnowing fan'). The near-close near-back rounded vowel/ʊ/ is unique in this branch of the language family. But in lower Assam, ও is pronounced the same as অ' (ó): compare কোলাkwla[kóla] and মোৰmwr[mór].
Vowel harmony
Assamese has vowel harmony. The vowels [i] and [u] cause the preceding mid vowels and the high back vowels to change to [e] and [o] and [u] respectively. Assamese is one of the few languages spoken in India which exhibit a systematic process of vowel harmony.[73][74]
Schwa deletion
The inherent vowel in standard Assamese, /ɔ/, follows deletion rules analogous to "schwa deletion" in other Indian languages. Assamese follows a slightly different set of "schwa deletion" rules for its modern standard and early varieties. In the modern standard /ɔ/ is generally deleted in the final position unless it is (1) /w/ (ৱ); or (2) /j/ (য়) after higher vowels like /i/ (ই) or /u/ (উ);[75] though there are a few additional exceptions. The rule for deleting the final /ɔ/ was not followed in Early Assamese.
Modern Assamese uses the Assamese alphabet. In medieval times, the script came in three varieties: Bamuniya, Garhgaya, and Kaitheli/Lakhari, which developed from the Kamarupi script. It very closely resembles the Mithilakshar script of the Maithili language, as well as the Bengali alphabet.[76] There is a strong literary tradition from early times. Examples can be seen in edicts, land grants and copper plates of medieval kings. Assam had its own manuscript writing system on the bark of the saanchi tree in which religious texts and chronicles were written, as opposed to the pan-Indian system of Palm leaf manuscript writing. The present-day spellings in Assamese are not necessarily phonetic. Hemkosh (হেমকোষ[ɦɛmkʊx]), the second Assamese dictionary, introduced spellings based on Sanskrit, which are now the standard.
Assamese has also historically been written using the Arabic script by Assamese Muslims. One example is Tariqul Haq Fi Bayane Nurul Haq by Zulqad Ali (1796–1891) of Sivasagar, which is one of the oldest works in modern Assamese prose.[77]
In the early 1970s, it was agreed upon that the Roman script was to be the standard writing system for Nagamese Creole.[5]
1st Article: Congenitally all human dignity and right-in equal and free. their conscience exists, intellect exists. They everyone everyone-to brotherly behaviour to-do should.
Translation
Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience. Therefore, they should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.
Morphology and grammar
The Assamese language has the following characteristic morphological features:[79]
Gender and number are not grammatically marked.
There is a lexical distinction of gender in the third person pronoun.
Transitive verbs are distinguished from intransitive.
The agentive case is overtly marked as distinct from the accusative.
Kinship nouns are inflected for personal pronominal possession.
Adverbs can be derived from the verb roots.
A passive construction may be employed idiomatically.
Negation process
Verbs in Assamese are negated by adding /n/ before the verb, with /n/ picking up the initial vowel of the verb. For example:[80]
/nalaɡɛ/ 'do(es) not want' (1st, 2nd and 3rd persons)
/nilikʰʊ̃/ 'will not write' (1st person)
/nukutʊ̃/ 'will not nibble' (1st person)
/nɛlɛkʰɛ/ 'does not count' (3rd person)
/nɔkɔɹɔ/ 'do not do' (2nd person)
Classifiers
Assamese has a large collection of classifiers, which are used extensively for different kinds of objects, acquired from the Sino-Tibetan languages.[81] A few examples of the most extensive and elaborate use of classifiers are given below:
"zɔn" is used to signify a person, male with some amount of respect
E.g., manuh-zɔn – "the man"
"zɔni" (female) is used after a noun or pronoun to indicate human beings
E.g., manuh-zɔni – "the woman"
"zɔni" is also used to express the non-human feminine
E.g., sɔɹai zɔni – "the bird", pɔɹuwa-zɔni – "the ant"
"zɔna" and "gɔɹaki" are used to express high respect for both man and woman
E.g., kɔbi-zɔna – "the poet", gʊxaɪ-zɔna – "the goddess", rastrapati-gɔɹaki – "the president", tiɹʊta-gɔɹaki – "the woman"
"tʊ" has three forms: tʊ, ta, ti
(a) tʊ: is used to specify something, although the case of someone, e.g., loɹa-tʊ – "the particular boy", is impolite
(b) ta: is used only after numerals, e.g., ɛta, duta, tinita – "one, two, three"
(c) ti: is the diminutive form, e.g., kesua-ti – "the infant, besides expressing more affection or attachment to
"kɔsa", "mɔtʰa" and "taɹ" are used for things in bunches
E.g., sabi-kɔsa – "the bunch of key", saul-mɔtʰa – "a handful of rice", suli-taɹi or suli kɔsa – "the bunch of hair"
dal, dali, are used after nouns to indicate something long but round and solid
E.g., bãʱ-dal – "the bamboo", katʰ-dal – "the piece of wood", bãʱ-dali – "the piece of bamboo"
Assamese Classifiers
Classifier
Referent
Examples
/zɔn/
males (adult)
manuh-zɔn (the man – honorific)
/zɔni/
females (women as well as animals)
manuh-zɔni (the woman), sɔrai-zɔni (the bird)
/zɔna/
honorific
kobi-zɔna (the poet), gʊxai-zɔna (the god/goddess)
/ɡɔɹaki/
males and females (honorific)
manuh-ɡɔɹaki (the woman), rastrɔpɔti-gɔɹaki (the president)
/tʊ/
inanimate objects or males of animals and men (impolite)
manuh-tʊ (the man – diminutive), gɔɹu-tʊ (the cow)
/ti/
inanimate objects or infants
kesua-ti (the baby)
/ta/
for counting numerals
e-ta (count one), du-ta (count two)
/kʰɔn/
flat square or rectangular objects, big or small, long or short
with earthen lamp or old style kerosene lamp used in Assam
/zʊpa/
objects like trees and shrubs
/kʰila/
paper and leaf-like objects
/kʰini/
uncountable mass nouns and pronouns
/dal/
inanimate flexible/stiff or oblong objects; humans (pejorative)
In Assamese, classifiers are generally used in the numeral + classifier + noun (e.g. /ezɔnmanuh/ ejon manuh 'one man') or the noun + numeral + classifier (e.g. /manuhezɔn/ manuh ejon 'one man') forms.
Nominalization
Most verbs can be converted into nouns by the addition of the suffix /ɔn/. For example, /kʰa/ ('to eat') can be converted to /kʰaɔn/ khaon ('good eating').[82]
This article should specify the language of its non-English content, using {{lang}}, {{transliteration}} for transliterated languages, and {{IPA}} for phonetic transcriptions, with an appropriate ISO 639 code. Wikipedia's multilingual support templates may also be used.See why.(June 2021)
m=male, f=female, n=neuter., *=the person or object is near., **=the person or object is far., v =very familiar, inferior, f=familiar, p=polite, e=ergative form.
Tense
With consonant ending verb likh (write) and vowel ending verb kha (eat, drink, consume).
Stem
Likh (write)
Kha (eat, drink, consume)
Gerund
Likha
khüa
Causative
Likha
khüa
Conjugative
Likhi
Khai & Kha
Infinitive
Likhibo
Khabo
Goal
Likhibólói
Khabólói
Terminative
Likhibólóike
Khabólóike
Agentive
Likhü̃tanp/Likhwrami/Likhwrifi
Khawtanp/Khawrami/Khawrifi
Converb
Likhü̃te
Khaü̃te
Progressive
Likhü̃te likhü̃te
Khaü̃te khaü̃te
Reason
Likhat
Khüat
Likhilot
Khalot
Conditional
Likhile
Khale
Perfective
Likhi
Khai
Habitual
Likhi likhi
Khai khai
For different types of verbs.
Tense
Person
tho "put"
kha "consume"
pi "drink"
de "give"
dhu "wash"
kor "do"
randh "cook"
ah "come"
+
-
+
-
+
-
+
-
+
-
+
-
+
-
+
-
Simple Present
1stper.
thoü
nothoü
khaü
nakhaü ~ nekhaü
piü
nipiü
diü
nidiü
dhüü
nüdhüü
korü
nokorü
randhü
narandhü ~ nerandhü
ahü
nahü
2ndper.inf.
thoo
nothoo
khao
nakhao ~ nekhao
pio
nipio
dio
nidio
dhüo
nüdhüo
koro
nokoro
randho
narandho ~ nerandho
aho
naho
2ndper.pol.
thüa
nüthüa
khüa
nükhüa
pia
nipia
dia
nidia
dhüa
nüdhüa
kora
nokora
randha
narandha ~ nerandha
aha
naha
2ndper.hon.&3rdper.
thoe
nothoe
khae
nakhae ~ nekhae
pie
nipie
die
nidie
dhüe
nüdhüe
kore
nokore
randhe
narandhe ~ nerandhe
ahe
nahe
Present continuous
1st per.
thói asw
thoi thoka nai
khai asw
khai thoka nai
pi asu
pi thoka nai
di asw
di thoka nai
dhui asw
dhui thoka nai
kori asw
kóri thoka nai
randhi asw
randhi thoka nai
ahi asw
ahi thoka nai
2ndper.inf.
thoi aso
khai aso
pi aso
di aso
dhui aso
kori aso
randhi aso
ahi aso
2ndper.pol.
thoi asa
khai asa
pi asa
di asa
dhui asa
kori asa
randhi asa
ahi asa
2ndper.hon.&3rdper.
thoi ase
khai ase
pi ase
di ase
dhui ase
kori ase
randhi ase
ahi ase
Present Perfect
1st per.
thoisw
thwa nai
khaisw
khwa nai
pisw
pia nai
disw
dia nai
dhui asw
dhwa nai
korisw
kora nai
randhisw
rondha nai
ahi asw
oha nai
2ndper.inf.
thóisó
khaisó
pisó
disó
dhuisó
kórisó
randhisó
ahisó
2nd per. pol.
thoisa
khaisa
pisa
disa
dhuisa
korisa
randhisa
ahisa
2nd per. hon. & 3rd per.
thoise
khaise
pise
dise
dhuise
korise
randhise
ahise
Recent Past
1st per.
thölw
nothölw
khalw
nakhalw ~ nekhalw
pilw
nipilw
dilw
nidilw
dhulw
nudhulw
korilw
nokórilw
randhilw
narandhilw ~ nerandhilw
ahilw
nahilw
2nd per. inf.
thöli
nothöli
khali
nakhali ~ nekhali
pili
nipili
dili
nidili
dhuli
nudhuli
kórili
nókórili
randhili
narandhili ~ nerandhili
ahilw
nahilw
2nd per. pol.
thöla
nothöla
khala
nakhala ~ nekhala
pila
nipila
dila
nidila
dhula
nudhula
kórila
nókórila
randhila
narandhila ~ nerandhila
ahila
nahila
2ndper.hon.&3rdper.
thöle
nothöle
khale
nakhale ~ nekhale
pile
nipile
dile
nidile
dhule
nudhule
kórile
nókórile
randhile
narandhile ~ nerandhile
ahile / ahiltr
nahile / nahiltr
Distant Past
1st per.
thoisilw
nothoisilw ~ thwa nasilw
khaisilw
nakhaisilw ~ nekhaisilw ~ khwa nasilw
pisilw
nipisilw ~ pia nasilw
disilw
nidisilw ~ dia nasilw
dhuisilw
nudhuisilw ~ dhüa nasilw
kórisilw
nókórisilw ~ kora nasilw
randhisilw
narandhisilw ~ nerandhisilw ~ rondha nasilw
ahisilw
nahisilw ~ oha nasilw
2nd per. inf.
thoisili
nothóisili ~ thwa nasili
khaisili
nakhaisili ~ nekhaisili ~ khwa nasili
pisili
nipisili ~ pia nasili
disili
nidisili ~ dia nasili
dhuisili
nudhuisili ~ dhwa nasili
korisili
nokorisili ~ kora nasili
randhisili
narandhisili ~ nerandhisili ~ rondha nasili
ahisili
nahisili ~ oha nasili
2nd per. pol.
thoisila
nothóisila ~ thwa nasila
khaisila
nakhaisila ~ nekhaisila ~ khüa nasila
pisila
nipisila ~ pia nasila
disila
nidisila ~ dia nasila
dhuisila
nudhuisila ~ dhwa nasila
korisila
nokorisila ~ kora nasila
randhisila
narandhisila ~ nerandhisila ~ rondha nasila
ahisila
nahisila ~ oha nasila
2nd per. hon. & 3rd per.
thoisile
nothoisile ~ thwa nasile
khaisile
nakhaisile ~ nekhaisile ~ khwa nasile
pisile
nipisile ~ pia nasile
disile
nidisile ~ dia nasile
dhuisile
nudhuisile ~ dhüa nasile
korisile
nokorisile ~ kora nasile
randhisile
narandhisile ~ nerandhisile ~ rondha nasile
ahisile
nahisile ~ oha nasile
Past continuous
1st per.
thoi asilw
thoi thoka nasilw
khai asilw
khai thoka nasilw
pi asilw
pi thoka nasilw
di asilw
di thoka nasilw
dhui asils
dhui thoka nasils
kori asils
kori thoka nasils
randhi asils
randhi thoka nasils
ahi asils
ahi thoka nasils
2nd per. inf.
thoi asili
thoi thoka nasili
khai asili
khai thoka nasili
pi asili
pi thoka nasili
di asili
di thoka nasili
dhui asili
dhui thoka nasili
kori asili
kori thoka nasili
randhi asili
randhi thoka nasili
ahi asili
ahi thoka nasili
2nd per. pol.
thoi asila
thoi thoka nasila
khai asila
khai thoka nasila
pi asila
pi thoka nasila
di asila
di thoka nasila
dhui asila
dhui thoka nasila
kori asila
kori thoka nasila
randhi asila
randhi thoka nasila
ahi asila
ahi thoka nasila
2nd per. hon. & 3rd per.
thoi asil(e)
thoi thoka nasil(e)
khai asil(e)
khai thoka nasil(e)
pi asil(e)
pi thoka nasil(e)
di asil(e)
di thoka nasil(e)
dhui asil(e)
dhui thoka nasil(e)
kori asil(e)
kori thoka nasil(e)
randhi asil(e)
randhi thoka nasil(e)
ahi asil{e)
ahi thoka nasil(e)
Simple Future
1st per.
thöm
nothöm
kham
nakham ~ nekham
pim
nipim
dim
nidim
dhum
nudhum
korim
nokorim
randhim
narandhim ~ nerandhim
ahim
nahim
2nd per. inf.
thöbi
nothöbi
khabi
nakhabi ~ nekhabi
pibi
nipibi
dibi
nidibi
dhubi
nudhubi
koribi
nokoribi
randhibi
narandhibi ~ nerandhibi
ahibi
nahibi
2nd per. pol.
thöba
nothöba
khaba
nakhaba ~ nekhaba
piba
nipiba
diba
nidiba
dhuba
nudhuba
koriba
nókóriba
randhiba
narandhiba ~ nerandhiba
ahiba
nahiba
2ndper.hon.&3rdper.
thöbo
nothöbo
khabo
nakhabo ~ nekhabo
pibo
nipibo
dibo
nidibo
dhubo
nudhubo
koribo
nokoribo
randhibo
narandhibo ~ nerandhibo
ahibo
nahibo
Future continuous
1st per.
thoi thakim
thoi nathakim/nethakim
khai thakim
khai nathakim/nethakim
pi thakim
pi nathakim/nethakim
di thakim
di nathakim/nethakim
dhui thakim
dhui nathakim/nethakim
kori thakim
kori nathakim/nethakim
randhi thakim
randhi nathakim/nethakim
ahi thakim
ahi nathakim/nethakim
2nd per. inf.
thoi thakibi
thoi nathakibi/nethakibi
khai thakibi
khai nathakibi/nethakibi
pi thakibi
pi nathakibi/nethakibi
di thakibi
di nathakibi/nethakibi
dhui thakibi
dhui nathakibi/nethakibi
kori thakibi
kori nathakibi/nethakibi
randhi thakibi
randhi nathakibi/nethakibi
ahi thakibi
ahi nathakibi/nethakibi
2nd per. pol.
thoi thakiba
thoi nathakiba/nethakiba
khai thakiba
khai nathakiba/nethakiba
pi thakiba
pi nathakiba/nethakiba
di thakiba
di nathakiba/nethakiba
dhui thakiba
dhui nathakiba/nethakiba
kori thakiba
kori nathakiba/nethakiba
randhi thakiba
randhi nathakiba/nethakiba
ahi thakiba
ahi nathakiba/nethakiba
2ndper.hon.&3rdper.
thoi thakibo
thoi nathakibo/nethakibo
khai thakibo
khai nathakibo/nethakibo
pi thakibo
pi nathakibo/nethakibo
di thakibo
di nathakibo/nethakibo
dhui thakibo
dhui nathakibo/nethakibo
kori thakibo
kori nathakibo/nethakibo
randhi thakibo
randhi nathakibo/nethakibo
ahi thakibo
ahi nathakibo/nethakibo
The negative forms are n + 1st vowel of the verb + the verb. Example: Moi porhw, Moi noporhw (I read, I do not read); Tumi khelila, Tumi nekhelila (You played, You didn't play). For verbs that start with a vowel, just the n- is added, without vowel lengthening. In some dialects if the 1st vowel is a in a verb that starts with consonant, ne is used, like, Moi nakhaw (I don't eat) is Moi nekhaü. In past continuous the negative form is -i thoka nasil-. In future continuous it's -i na(/e)thaki-. In present continuous and present perfect, just -i thoka nai and -a nai' respectively are used for all personal pronouns. Sometimes for plural pronouns, the -hok suffix is used, like korwhok (we do), ahilahok (you guys came).Content
The language has quite a few regional variations. Banikanta Kakati identified two broad dialects which he named (1) Eastern and (2) Western dialects,[83] of which the eastern dialect is homogeneous, and prevalent to the east of Guwahati, and the western dialect is heterogeneous. However, recent linguistic studies have identified four dialect groups listed below from east to west:[61]
Collected from the book, Assamese – Its formation and development.[9] The text below is from the Parable of the Prodigal Son. The translations are of different versions of the English translations:
English: A man had two sons. The younger son told his father, 'I want my share of your estate now before you die.' So his father agreed to divide his wealth between his sons. A few days later this younger son packed all his belongings and moved to a distant land, and there he wasted all his money in wild living. About the time his money ran out, a great famine swept over the land, and he began to starve. He persuaded a local farmer to hire him, and the man sent him into his fields to feed the pigs. The young man became so hungry that even the pods he was feeding the pigs looked good to him. But no one gave him anything.
Eastern Assamese (Sibsagar): Künü ejon manuhor duta putek asil, tare xorutüe bapekok kole, "Oi büpai! xompottir ji bhag moi paü tak mük diok!" Tate teü teür xompotti duiü putekor bhitorot bati dile. Olop dinor pasot xorutw puteke tar bhagot ji pale take loi dur dexoloi goi beisali kori gutei xompotti nax korile. Tar pasot xei dexot bor akal hól. Tate xi dux paboloi dhorile. Tetia xi goi xei dexor ejon manuhor asroy lole, aru xei manuhe tak gahori soraboloi potharoloi pothai dile. Tate xi gahorir khüa ebidh gosor seire pet bhoraboloi bor hepah korileü tak küneü ekü nidile.
Central/Kamrupi (Pati Darrang): Eta manhur duta putak asil, xehatör xorutui bapakök kolak, "He pite, xompöttir mör bhagöt zikhini porei, take mök di." Tate teö nizör xompötti xehatök bhagei dilak. Tar olop dinör pasötei xeñ xoru putektüi xokolöke götei loi kömba dexok legi polei gel aru tate lompot kamöt götei urei dilak. Xi xokolö bioe koraõte xeñ dexöt bor akal hol. Xi tate bor kosto paba dhollak. Teten xi aru xeñ dexor eta manhur asroe lolak. Xeñ mantui nizör potharök legi tak bora saribak legi pothei dilak. Tate xi aru borai khawa ekbidh gasör sei di pet bhorabak legi bor hepah kollak. Kintu kawei ekö tak nedlak.
Kamrupi (Palasbari): Kunba eta manhur duta putak asil. Ekdin xortö putake bapiakok kola, "Bapa wa, apunar xompöttir moi bhagöt zeman kheni pam teman khini mök dia." Tethane bapiake nizör xompötti duö putakok bhage dila. Keidinman pasöt xörtö putake tar bhagtö loi kunba akhan durher dekhok gel, aru tate gundami köri tar götei makha xompötti nohoa koilla. Tar pasöt xiai dekhot mosto akal hol. Tethian xi bor dukh paba dhoilla. Tar xi tarei eta manhur osarök zai asroe asroe lola. Manhtöi tak bara sarba potharöl khedala. Tate xi barai khawa ekbidh gasör seṅ khaba dhoilla. Teö tak kayö akö khaba neidla.
Kamrupi (Barpeta): Kunba eta manhör duta putek asil. Ekdin xorutu puteke bapekök kolak, "Pita, amar xompöttir moi zikhini mör bhagöt paü xikhini mök dia." Tethen bapeke nizör xompötti tahak bhage dilak. Tare keidinmen pisöte xei xoru putektui tar gotexopake loi ekhen duhrer dekhök gusi gel, arö tate xi lompot hoi tar gotexopa xompöttike ure phellak. Tar pasöt xei dekhkhenöt mosto akal hol. Tethen xi xei dekhör eta manhör osröt zai asroe lolak. Manuhtui tak bara sarbak login patharök khedolak. Tate xi ekbidh barai khawa gasör sẽi khaba dhollak. Take dekhiö kayö tak ekö khaba nedlak.
Western Goalpariya (Salkocha): Kunö ekzon mansir duizon saöa asil. Tar sötotae bapok koil, "Baba sompöttir ze bhag mör, tak mök de." Tat oë nizer sompötti umak batia dil. Tar olpo din pasöte öi söta saöata sök götea dur desot gel. Ore lompot beboharot or sompötti uzar koril. Oë götay khoros korar pasöt oi desot boro akal hoil. Ote oya kosto paba dhoril. Sela oë zaya öi deser ekzon mansir asroe löat öi manusi ok suar soraba patharot pothea dil. Ote suare khaöa ek rokom gaser sal dia pet bhoroba saileö ok kaho kisu nadil.
Non-regional dialects
Assamese does not have many caste- or occupation-based dialects.[84] In the nineteenth century, the Eastern dialect became the standard dialect because it witnessed more literary activity and it was more uniform from east of Guwahati to Sadiya,[85] whereas the western dialects were more heterogeneous.[86] Since the nineteenth century, the center of literary activity (as well as of politics and commerce) has shifted to Guwahati; as a result, the standard dialect has evolved considerably away from the largely rural Eastern dialects and has become more urban and acquired western dialectal elements.[87] Most literary activity takes place in this dialect, and is often called the likhito-bhaxa, though regional dialects are often used in novels and other creative works.
In addition to the regional variants, sub-regional, community-based dialects are also prevalent, namely:
Standard dialect influenced by surrounding centers.
Bhakatiya dialect highly polite, a sattra-based dialect with a different set of nominals, pronominals, and verbal forms, as well as a preference for euphemism; indirect and passive expressions.[88] Some of these features are used in the standard dialect on very formal occasions.
The fisherman community has a dialect that is used in the central and eastern region.
The astrologer community of Darrang district has a dialect called thar that is coded and secretive. The ratikhowa and bhitarpanthiya secretive cult-based Vaisnava groups too have their own dialects.[89]
The Muslim community have their own dialectal preference, with their own kinship, custom, and religious terms, with those in east Assam having distinct phonetic features.[87]
The urban adolescent and youth communities (for example, Guwahati) have exotic, hybrid and local slangs.[87]
Ethnic speech communities that use Assamese as a second language, often use dialects that are influenced heavily by the pronunciation, intonation, stress, vocabulary and syntax of their respective first languages (Mising Eastern Assamese, Bodo Central Kamrupi, Rabha Eastern Goalpariya etc.).[89] Two independent pidgins/creoles, associated with the Assamese language, are Nagamese (used by Naga groups) and Nefamese (used in Arunachal Pradesh).[90]
There is a growing and strong body of literature in this language.
The first characteristics of this language are seen in the Charyapadas composed in between the eighth and twelfth centuries. The first examples emerged in writings of court poets in the fourteenth century, the finest example of which is Madhav Kandali's Saptakanda Ramayana. The popular ballad in the form of Ojapali is also regarded as well-crafted. The sixteenth and seventeenth centuries saw a flourishing of Vaishnavite literature, leading up to the emergence of modern forms of literature in the late nineteenth century.
^"Axomiya is the major language spoken in Assam, and serves almost as a lingua franca among the different speech communities in the whole area." (Goswami 2003:394)
^ abBhattacharjya, Dwijen (2001). The genesis and development of Nagamese: Its social history and linguistic structure (PhD). City University of New York. ProQuest304688285.
^Assamese is an anglicized term used for the language, but scholars have also used Asamiya (Moral 1992, Goswami & Tamuli 2003) or Asomiya as a close approximation of /ɔxɔmijɑ/, the word used by the
speakers for their language. (Mahanta 2012:217)
^Bhattacharjya, Dwijen (2001). The genesis and development of Nagamese: Its social history and linguistic structure (PhD). City University of New York. ProQuest304688285.
^"Axomiya is the major language spoken in Assam, and serves almost as a lingua franca among the different speech communities in the whole area." (Goswami 2003:394)
^"...Rajbangshi dialect of the Rangpur Division (Bangladesh), and the adjacent Indian Districts of Jalpaiguri and Cooch Behar, has been classed with Bengali because its speakers identify with the Bengali culture and literary language, although it is linguistically closer to Assamese." (Masica 1993, p. 25)
^ ab"Incidentally, literate Ahoms retained the Tai language and script well until the end of the 17th century. In that century of Ahom-Mughal conflicts, this language first coexisted with and then was progressively replaced by Assamese (Asamiya) at and outside the Court." Guha (1983, p. 9)
^Sen, Sukumar (1975), Grammatical sketches of Indian languages with comparative vocabulary and texts, Volume 1, P 31
^ ab"Dr. S. K. Chatterji basing his conclusions on the materials accumulated in LSI, Part I, and other monographs on the Bengali dialects, divides Eastern Mag. Pkt. and Ap. into four dialect groups. (1) Raddha dialects which comprehend Western Bengali which gives standard Bengali colloquial and Oriya in the South West. (2) Varendra dialects of North Central Bengal. (3) Kumarupa dialects which comprehend Assamese and the dialects of North Bengal. (4) Vanga dialects which comprehend the dialects of East Bengal (ODBL VolI p140)." (Kakati 1941, p. 6)
^Proto-Kamta took its inheritance from ?proto-Kamarupa (and before that from ?proto-Gauda-Kamarupa), innovated the unique features ... in 1250-1550 AD" (Toulmin 2006:306)
^"Asamiya has historically originated in Old Indo-Aryan dialects, but the exact nature of its origin and growth is not very clear as yet." (Goswami 2003:394)
^There is evidence that the Prakrit of the Kamarupa kingdom differed enough from the Magadhi Prakrit to be identified as either a parallel Kamrupi Prakrit or at least an eastern variety of the Magadha Prakrit (Sharma 1990:0.24–0.28)
^'One of the interesting theories propounded by Sri Medhi is the classification of Assamese "as a mixture of Eastern and Western groups" or a "mixture of Sauraseni and Magadhi". But whether it is word resemblance or grammatical resemblance, the author admits that in some cases they may be accidental. But he says, "In any case, they may be of some help to scholars for more searching enquiry in future".' (Pattanayak 2016:43–44)
^ ab"While Kakati's assertion of an Austroasiatic substrate needs to be re-established on the basis of more systematic evidence, it is consistent with the general assumption that the lower Brahmaputra drainage was originally Austroasiatic speaking. It also implies the existence of a substantial Austroasiatic speaking population till the time of spread of Aryan culture into Assam, i.e. it implies that up until the 4th-5th centuries CE and probably much later Tibeto-Burman languages had not completely supplanted Austroasiatic languages." (DeLancey 2012:13)
^"(W)e should imagine a linguistic patchwork with an eastern Indo-Aryan vernacular (not yet really "Assamese") in the urban centers and along the river and Tibeto-Burman and Austroasiatic communities everywhere." (DeLancey 2012:15–16)
^"It is curious to find that according to (Hiuen Tsang) the language of Kamarupa 'differed a little' from that of mid-India. Hiuen Tsang is silent about the language of Pundra-vardhana or Karna-Suvarna; it can be presumed that the language of these tracts was identical with that of Magadha." (Chatterji 1926, p. 78)
^"Perhaps this 'differing a little' of the Kamarupa speech refers to those modifications of Aryan sounds which now characterise Assamese as well as North- and East-Bengali dialects." (Chatterji 1926, pp. 78–89)
^"When [the Tibeto-Burman speakers] adopted that language they also enriched it with their vocabularies, expressions, affixes etc." (Saikia 1997)
^"... (it shows) that in Ancient Assam there were three languages viz. (1) Sanskrit as the official language and the language of the learned few, (2) Non-Aryan tribal languages of the Austric and Tibeto-Burman families, and (3) a local variety of Prakrit (ie a MIA) wherefrom, in course of time, the modern Assamese language as a MIL, emerged." Sharma, Mukunda Madhava (1978). Inscriptions of Ancient Assam. Guwahati, Assam: Gauhati University. pp. xxiv–xxviii. OCLC559914946.
^"The earliest specimen of Assamese language and literature is available in the dohās, known also as Caryās, written by the Buddhist Siddhacharyas hailing from different parts of eastern India. Some of them are identified as belonging to ancient Kāmarūpa by the Sino-Tibetologists." (Goswami 2003:433)
^"The language of [charyapadas] was also claimed to be early Assamese and early Bihari (Eastern Hindi) by various scholars. Although no systematic scientific study has been undertaken on the basis of comparative reconstruction, a cursory look is enough to suggest that the language of these texts represents a stage when the North-Eastern Prakrit was either not differentiated or at an early stage of differentiation into the regional languages of North-Eastern India." (Pattanayak 2016:127)
^"The folk-song like Deh Bicarar Git and some aphorisms are found to contain sometimes the spirit and way of expression of the charyapadas." (Saikia 1997:5)
^""There are some works of the period between 12th and 14th centuries, which kept the literary tradition flowing after the period of the charyapadas. They are Sunya Puran of Ramai Pandit, Krishna Kirtan of Boru Chandi Das, Gopichandrar Gan of Sukur Mamud. Along with these three works Gobindachandrar Git of Durllava Mullik and Mainamatirgan of Bhavani Das also deserve mention here." (Saikia 1997:5)
^"No doubt some expression close to the Bengali language can be found in these works. But grammatical peculiarities prove these works to be in the Assamese language of the western part of Assam." (Saikia 1997:5)
^"In Krishna Kirtana for instance, the first personal affixes of the present indicative are -i and -o; the former is found in Bengali at present and the later in Assamese. Similarly the negative particle na- assimilated to the initial vowel of the conjugated root which is characteristic of Assamese is also found in Krishna Kirtana. Modern Bengali places the negative particle after the conjugated root." (Kakati 1953:5)
^"In summary, none of Pattanayak's changes are diagnostic of a unique proto Bangla-Asamiya subgroup that also includes proto Kamta.... Grierson's contention may well be true that 'Gauḍa Apabhraṁśa' was the parent speech both of Kamrupa and today's Bengal (see quote under §7.3.2), but it has not yet been proven as such by careful historical linguistic reconstruction." and "Though it has not been the purpose of this study to reconstruct higher level proto-languages beyond proto-Kamta, the reconstruction here has turned up three morphological innovations—[MI 73.] (diagnostic), [MI 2] (supportive), [MI 70] (supportive)—which provide some evidence for a proto-language which may be termed proto Gauḍa-Kamrupa." (Toulmin 2009:213)
^"However, the earliest literary work available which may be claimed as distinctly Asamiya is the Prahrāda Carita written by a court poet named Hema Sarasvatī in the latter half of the thirteenth century AD.(Goswami 2003:433)
^"The phonological and morphological reconstruction of the present study has found three morphological innovations that give some answers to these questions: [MI 67.] (diagnostic), [MI 22.] (supportive), and [MI 23.] (supportive). These changes provide evidence for a proto Kamrupa stage of linguistic history—ancestral to proto-Kamta and proto eastern-Kamrupa (Asamiya). However, a thorough KRDS-andAsamiya-wide reconstruction of linguistic history is required before this protostage can be robustly established." (Toulmin 2009:214)
^"Sankaradeva (1449–1567) brought about a Vaishnavite revival accompanied by a revival of the language and literature." (Goswami 2003:434)
^"[Bhattadev's] prose was an artificial one and yet it preserves certain grammatical peculiarities. The first personal ending -m in the future tense appears for the first time in writing side by side with the conventional -bo." (Kakati 1953:6)
^"The British administration introduced Bangla in all offices, in the courts and schools of Assam." (Goswami 2003:435)
^"By 1772, the Company had skillfully employed the sword, diplomacy, and intrigue to take over the rule of Bengal from her people, factious nobles, and weak Nawab. Subsequently, to consolidate its hold on the province, the Company promoted the Bengali language. This did not represent an intrinsic love for Bengali speech and literature. Instead it was aimed at destroying traditional patterns of authority through supplanting the Persian language which had been the official tongue since the days of the great Moguls." (Khan 1962:53)
^"[W]e should not assent to uphold a corrupt dialect, but endeavour to introduce pure Bengallee, and to render this Province as far as possible an integral part of the great country to which that language belongs, and to render available to Assam the literature of Bengal. - This brief aside of Francis Jenkins in a Revenue Consultation remains one of the
clearest policy statements of the early British Indian administration regarding the
vernacular question in Assam." (Kar 2008:28)
^"He wrote under a pen name, A Native, a book in English, A Few Remarks on the Assamese Language and on Vernacular Education in Assam, 1855, and had 100 copies of it printed by A H Danforth at the Sibsagar Baptist Mission Press. One copy of the publication was sent to the Government of Bengal and other copies were distributed free among leading men of Assam. An abstract of this was published later in The Indian Antiquary (1897, p57)". (Neog 1980:15)
^"In less than twenty years' time, the government actually revised its classification and declared Assamese as the official vernacular of the Assam Division (19 April 1873), as a prelude to the constitution of a separate Chief Commissionership of Assam (6 February 1874)." (Kar 2008:45)
^"They looked back to the fully mature prose of the historical writings of earlier periods, which possessed all the strength and vitality to stand the new challenge. Hemchandra Barua and his followers immediately reverted to the syntax and style of that prose, and Sanskritized the orthography and spelling system entirely. He was followed by one and all including the missionaries themselves, in their later writings. And thus, the solid plinth of the modern standard language was founded and accepted as the norm all over the state." (Goswami 2003:435)
^"In contemporary Assam, for the purposes of mass media and communication, a certain neutral blend of eastern Assamese, without too many distinctive eastern features, like /ɹ/ deletion, which is a robust phenomenon in the eastern varieties, is
still considered to be the norm." (Mahanta 2012:217)
^"Now, Dispur, the Capital city being around Guwahati, as also with the spread of literacy and education in the western Assam districts, forms of the Central and Western dialects have been creeping into the literary idiom and reshaping the standard language during the last few decades." (Goswami 2003:436)
^ abcdAssameseArchived 28 July 2012 at the Wayback Machine, Resource Centre for Indian Language Technology Solutions, Indian Institute of Technology, Guwahati.
^"Assamese, alone among NIA languages except for Romany, has also lost the characteristic IA dental/retroflex contrast (although it is retained in spelling), reducing the number of articulations, with the loss also of /c/, to three." (Masica 1993, p. 95)
^The word "hare", for example: śaśka (OIA) > χɔhā (hare). (Masica 1993, p. 206)
^Goswami, Upendranath (1970), A Study on Kamrupi, p.xiii /x/ does not occur finally in Kamrupi. But in St. Coll. it occurs. In non-initial positions O.I.A sibilants became /kʰ/ and also /h/ whereas in St. Coll. they become /x/.
^B Datta (1982), Linguistic situation in north-east India, the distinctive h sound of Assamese is absent in the West Goalpariya dialect
^Whereas most fricatives become sibilants in Eastern Goalpariya (sukh, santi, asa in Eastern Goalpariya; xukh, xanti, axa in western Kamrupi) (Dutta 1995, p. 286); some use of the fricative is seen as in the word xi (for both "he" and "she") (Dutta 1995, p. 287) and xap khar (the snake) (Dutta 1995, p. 288). The /x/ is completely absent in Western Goalpariya (Dutta 1995, p. 290)
^Chatterjee, Suniti Kumar, Kirata Jana Krti, p. 54.
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