The Conservative Party, which had governed as a senior coalition partner from 2010 and as a single-party majority government from 2015, was led by May as Prime Minister. It was defending a working majority of 17 seats against the opposition Labour Party led by Jeremy Corbyn. It was the first general election to be contested by either May or Corbyn as party leader; May had succeeded David Cameron following his resignation as prime minister the previous summer, while Corbyn had succeeded Ed Miliband after he resigned following Labour's failure to win the general election two years earlier.
Under the Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011 an election had not been due until May 2020, but Prime Minister May's call for a snap election was ratified by the necessary two-thirds vote in the House of Commons on 19 April 2017. May said that she hoped to secure a larger majority to "strengthen [her] hand" in the forthcoming Brexit negotiations.[4]
Opinion polls had consistently shown strong leads for the Conservatives over Labour. From a 21-point lead, the Conservatives' lead began to diminish in the final weeks of the campaign. The Conservative Party returned 317 MPs—a net loss of 13 seats relative to 2015—despite winning 42.4% of the vote (its highest share of the vote since 1983), whereas the Labour Party made a net gain of 30 seats with 40.0% (its highest vote share since 2001 and its highest increase in vote share between two general elections since 1945). It was the first election since 1997 in which the Conservatives made a net loss of seats or Labour a net gain of seats. The election had the closest result between the two major parties since February 1974 and resulted in their highest combined vote share since 1970. The Scottish National Party (SNP) and the Liberal Democrats, the third- and fourth-largest parties, both lost vote share; media coverage characterised the result as a return to two-party politics.[5] The SNP, which had won 56 of the 59 Scottish seats at the previous general election in 2015, lost 21. The Liberal Democrats made a net gain of four seats. UKIP, the third-largest party in 2015 by number of votes, saw its share of the vote reduced from 12.6% to 1.8% and lost its only seat.
a resident at an address in the UK (or a British citizen living abroad who has been registered to vote in the UK in the last 15 years),[n 6]and;
not legally excluded from voting (for example, a convicted person detained in prison or a mental hospital, or unlawfully at large if he/she would otherwise have been detained,[10] or a person found guilty of certain corrupt or illegal practices[11]) or disqualified from voting (peers sitting in the House of Lords).[12][13]
Individuals had to be registered to vote by midnight twelve working days before polling day (22 May).[14][15] Anyone who qualified as an anonymous elector had until midnight on 31 May to register.[n 7] A person who has two homes (such as a university student with a term-time address but lives at home during holidays) may be registered to vote at both addresses, as long as they are not in the same electoral area, but can vote in only one constituency at the general election.[17]
On 18 May, The Independent reported that more than 1.1 million people between 18 and 35 had registered to vote since the election was announced on 18 April. Of those, 591,730 were under the age of 25.[18]
On 18 April 2017, Prime Minister Theresa May announced she would seek an election on 8 June,[20] despite previously ruling out an early election.[21][22] A House of Commons motion to allow this was passed on 19 April, with 522 votes for and 13 against, a majority of 509.[23] The motion was supported by the Conservatives, Labour, the Liberal Democrats and the Greens, while the SNP abstained.[20] Nine Labour MPs, one SDLP MP and three independents (Sylvia Hermon and two former SNP MPs, Natalie McGarry and Michelle Thomson) voted against the motion.[24]
Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn supported the early election,[25] as did Liberal Democrat leader Tim Farron and the Green Party.[26][27] The SNP stated that it was in favour of fixed-term parliaments, and would abstain in the House of Commons vote.[28] UKIP leader Paul Nuttall and First Minister of WalesCarwyn Jones criticised May for being opportunistic in the timing of the election, motivated by the then strong position of the Conservative Party in the opinion polls.[29][30]
On 25 April, the election date was confirmed as 8 June,[31] with dissolution on 3 May. The government announced that it intended for the next parliament to assemble on 13 June, with the state opening on 19 June.[32]
Timetable
The key dates are listed below (all times are BST):[33]
18 April
Prime Minister Theresa May announced her intention to hold a snap election[34]
Polling day (polling stations opened at 7 am and closed at 10 pm, or once voters present in a queue at or outside the polling station at 10 pm had cast their vote).[47]Counting of votes started no later than 2 am on 9 June.[48]
13 June
First meeting of the 57th Parliament of the United Kingdom, for the formal election of a Speaker of the Commons and the swearing-in of members, ahead of the State Opening of the new Parliament's first session.[49]
The cost of organising the election was around £140 million – slightly less than the EU referendum, of which £98 million was spent on administrative costs, and £42.5 million was spent on campaign costs.[52]
Parties and candidates
Most candidates were representatives of a political party registered with the Electoral Commission. Candidates not belonging to a registered party could use an "independent" label, or no label at all.
The leader of the party commanding a majority of support in the House of Commons is the person who is called on by the monarch to form a government as Prime Minister, while the leader of the largest party not in government becomes the Leader of the Opposition. Other parties also form shadow ministerial teams. The leaders of the SNP, Plaid Cymru and the DUP are not MPs; hence, they appoint separate leaders in the House of Commons.
In Wales, 213 candidates stood for election. Labour, Conservatives, Plaid Cymru, and Liberal Democrats contested all forty seats and there were 32 UKIP and 10 Green candidates.[63] In Scotland, the SNP, the Conservatives, Labour and the Liberal Democrats stood in all 59 seats while UKIP contested 10 seats and the Greens only 3.[64]
Unlike in previous elections, the timetable of the snap election required parties to select candidates in just under three weeks, to meet the 11 May deadline.
For the Conservatives, local associations in target seats were offered a choice of three candidates by the party's headquarters from an existing list of candidates, without inviting applications; candidates in non-target seats were to be appointed directly by central party offices; and successful MPs were to be confirmed by a meeting of their local parties.[65] This was controversial with local associations.[66] The Labour Party required sitting MPs to express their intention to stand, automatically re-selecting those who did; and it advertised for applications from party members for all remaining seats by 23 April.[65][67] Having devolved selections to its Scottish and Welsh parties, Labour's National Executive Committee endorsed all parliamentary candidates on 3 May except for Rochdale, the seat of suspended MP Simon Danczuk.[68] On 7 May, Steve Rotheram announced he was standing down as MP for Liverpool Walton following his election as Liverpool City Region mayor, leaving five days to appoint a candidate by close of nominations.[69]
The SNP confirmed on 22 April that its 54 sitting MPs would be re-selected and that its suspended members Natalie McGarry and Michelle Thomson would not be nominated as SNP candidates; the party subsequently selected candidates for McGarry's and Thomson's former seats, as well as for the three Scottish constituencies it did not win in 2015.[70] The Liberal Democrats had already selected 326 candidates in 2016 and over 70 in 2017 before the election was called.[65] Meetings of local party members from UKIP, the Greens and Plaid Cymru selected their candidates.[65] Parties in Northern Ireland were not believed to have already selected candidates due to the Assembly elections in March.[65]
Eli Aldridge was just 18 years old when he challenged then Liberal Democrat leader Tim Farron in his Westmorland and Lonsdale constituency.[76] News coverage showed Aldridge balancing campaigning with revision for his A-level examinations, even missing the start of his end-of-year ball to speak at a hustings in Kendal.[citation needed]
Former Labour MP Simon Danczuk stood as an independent candidate, after being rejected from standing with that party and then withdrawing his party membership.[79] After the Liberal Democrats rejected David Ward, the former MP for Bradford East, for anti-semitism, he contested that seat as an independent.[80][81]
Ahead of the general election, crowdfunding groups such as More United and Open Britain were formed to promote candidates of similar views standing for election, and a "progressive alliance" was proposed.[82][83][84][85] Former UKIP donor Arron Banks suggested a "patriotic alliance" movement.[86] A Tactical voting spreadsheet to keep the Conservatives out of government went viral on social media.[87][88]Gina Miller, who took the government to court over Article 50, set out plans to tour marginal constituencies in support of pro-EU candidates.[89]
Within a few days of the election being announced, the Green Party of England and Wales and the SNP each proposed to collaborate with Labour and the Liberal Democrats to prevent a Conservative majority government.[90][91] Liberal Democrat leader Tim Farron quickly reaffirmed his party's opposition to an electoral pact or coalition with Labour, citing "electorally toxic" Corbyn and concerns over Labour's position on Brexit.[92][93] On 22 April the Liberal Democrats also ruled out a coalition deal with the Conservatives and SNP.[94] Labour ruled out an electoral pact with the SNP, Liberal Democrats and Greens.[95]
Notwithstanding national arrangements, the Liberal Democrats, the Greens, and UKIP indicated they might not stand in every constituency.[96] The Green Party of England and Wales chose not to contest 22 seats explicitly "to increase the chance of a progressive candidate beating the Conservatives",[97] including South West Surrey, the seat of Health SecretaryJeremy Hunt, in favour of the National Health Action Party candidate.[98] The Scottish Green Party contested just three constituencies.[64] The Liberal Democrats agreed to stand down in Brighton Pavilion.[99] After indicating it might not nominate candidates in seats held by strongly pro-Brexit Conservative MPs,[100] UKIP nominated 377 candidates; it was suggested this would help the Conservatives in marginal seats.[101]
In Northern Ireland, there were talks between the DUP and UUP.[96] Rather than engaging in a formal pact, the DUP agreed not to contest Fermanagh and South Tyrone, while the UUP chose not to stand in four constituencies.[102] Talks took place between Sinn Féin, the SDLP and the Green Party in Northern Ireland about an anti-Brexit agreement (the Alliance Party were approached but declined to be involved)[103] but no agreement was reached; the Greens said there was "too much distance" between the parties, Sinn Féin's abstentionist policy was criticised, and the SDLP admitted an agreement was unlikely.[104] On 8 May, the SDLP rejected Sinn Féin's call for them to stand aside in some seats.[102]
Campaign
Background
Prior to the calling of the general election, the Liberal Democrats gained Richmond Park from the Conservatives in a by-election, a seat characterised by its high Remain vote in the 2016 EU referendum.[105] The Conservatives held the safe seat of Sleaford and North Hykeham in December 2016.[106] In by-elections on 23 February 2017, Labour held Stoke-on-Trent Central but lost Copeland to the Conservatives, the first time a governing party had gained a seat in a by-election since the Conservatives took Mitcham and Morden in 1982.[107]
The general election came soon after the Northern Ireland Assembly election on 2 March. Talks on power-sharing between the DUP and Sinn Féin had failed to reach a conclusion, with Northern Ireland thus facing either another Assembly election, or the imposition of direct rule. The deadline was subsequently extended to 29 June.[108]
Local elections in England, Scotland and Wales took place on 4 May. These saw large gains by the Conservatives, and large losses by Labour and UKIP. Notably, the Conservatives won metro mayor elections in Tees Valley and the West Midlands, areas traditionally seen as Labour heartlands.[109] Initially scheduled for 4 May, a by-election in Manchester Gorton was cancelled; the seat was contested on 8 June along with all the other seats.[110][111]
On 6 May, a letter from Church of England Archbishops Justin Welby and John Sentamu stressed the importance of education, housing, communities and health.[112]
All parties suspended campaigning for a time in the wake of the Manchester Arena bombing on 22 May.[113] The SNP had been scheduled to release their manifesto for the election but this was delayed.[114] Campaigning resumed on 25 May.[115]
Major political parties also suspended campaigning for a second time on 4 June, following the London Bridge attack.[116] UKIP chose to continue campaigning.[117] There were unsuccessful calls for polling day to be postponed.[117]
Issues
Brexit
The UK's withdrawal from the European Union was expected to be a key issue in the campaign,[118] but featured less than expected.[119] May said she called the snap election to secure a majority for her Brexit negotiations.[120]UKIP supported a "clean, quick and efficient Brexit" and, launching his party's election campaign, Nuttall stated that Brexit was a "job half done" and UKIP MPs were needed to "see this through to the end".[121]
Labour had supported Brexit in the previous parliament – Corbyn did not vote against the triggering of Article 50. Corbyn's actions in the previous parliament therefore dispelled the doubts of Labour voters who had voted to leave the EU.[122] However, his vision for Brexit prioritised different plans for the UK outside the EU. He wanted for Britain to still maintain the benefits of the single market and the custom union.[123] The Liberal Democrats and Greens called for a deal to keep the UK in the single market and a second referendum on any deal proposed between the EU and the UK.[124][125][126]
The Conservative manifesto committed the party to leaving the single market and customs union, but sought a "deep and special partnership" through a comprehensive free trade and customs agreement. It proposed seeking to remain part of some EU programmes where it would "be reasonable that we make a contribution", staying as a signatory of the European Convention on Human Rights over the next parliament, and maintaining the Human Rights Act during Brexit negotiations. Parliament would be able to amend or repeal EU legislation once converted into UK law, and have a vote on the final agreement.[127]
Security
Two major terrorist attacks took place during the election campaign, with parties arguing about the best way to prevent such events.[128][129][130] May, after the second attack, focused on global co-operation to tackle Islamist ideology and tackling the use of the internet by terrorist groups.[131][failed verification][132] After the first attack, Labour criticised cuts in police numbers under the Conservative government.[133] Corbyn also linked the Manchester attack to British foreign policy.[129] The Conservatives stated that spending on counter-terrorism for both the police and other agencies had risen.[134]
Former Conservative strategist Steve Hilton said Theresa May should be "resigning not seeking re-election", because her police cuts and security failures had led to the attacks.[135][136] Corbyn backed calls for May to resign, but said she should be removed by voters.[137] May said that police budgets for counter-terrorism had been maintained and that Corbyn had voted against counter-terrorism legislation.[138]
The Conservative manifesto proposed more government control and regulation of the Internet, including forcing Internet companies to restrict access to extremist and adult content.[139][140] Following the London attack, Theresa May called for international agreements to regulate the internet.[141] The Conservative stance on regulation of the internet and social media was criticised by Farron and the Open Rights Group.[142][143]
On 6 June, May promised longer prison sentences for people convicted of terrorism and restrictions on the freedom of movement or deportation of militant suspects when it is thought they present a threat but there is not enough evidence to prosecute them, stating that she would change human rights laws to do so if necessary.[144][145]
The UK's nuclear weapons, including the renewal of the Trident system, also featured in the campaign.[146] The Conservatives and Liberal Democrats favoured Trident renewal.[147] Labour's manifesto committed to Trident renewal; Corbyn confirmed renewal would take place under Labour, but declined to explicitly speak in favour.[146] He also declined to answer whether as prime minister he would use nuclear weapons if the UK was under imminent nuclear threat.[148]
Social care
Social care became a major election issue after the Conservative Party's manifesto included new proposals, which were subsequently altered after criticism.[149][150][151] The previous coalition government had commissioned a review by Andrew Dilnot into how to fund social care.[152] Measures that were seen to disadvantage pensioners were also in the Conservative manifesto: eliminating the pension triple lock and Winter Fuel Payments for all pensioners. After the election, journalist Tim Shipman argued that social care was the single issue that cost May her majority.[153]
The question of a proposed Scottish independence referendum was also thought likely to influence the campaign in Scotland. On 28 March 2017, the Scottish Parliament approved a motion requesting that Westminster pass a Section 30 order giving the Parliament the authority to hold a second independence referendum,[154] suggesting that there had been a "material change of circumstances" since the independence referendum in 2014 as a result of Britain's vote to leave the EU and Scotland's vote to remain.[155] The SNP hoped to hold a second independence referendum once the Brexit terms a
were clear but before Britain left the EU; May said her government would not approve an independence referendum before Brexit negotiations had finished.[156] After the final results were announced the SNP had lost 13% of the Scottish vote and one third of their seats – leading Sturgeon to conclude that, "Undoubtedly the issue of an independence referendum was a factor in this election result, but I think there were other factors as well".[157]
University tuition fees
Labour was thought to have attracted a significant number of student voters with its pledge to abolish tuition fees, which stands at £9,250 a year in England, and bring back student grants.[158]
Possible coalitions
Although Labour and the Liberal Democrats both rejected election pacts with each other and with the Greens and the SNP, and although the Liberal Democrats ruled out a coalition deal with the Conservatives, the Conservatives campaigned on the proposition that such deals might nevertheless occur, using the phrase "coalition of chaos".[94][159] Similar messages against a potential Lib–Lab pact were credited with securing a Conservative win in the 1992 and 2015 elections.[160] On 19 April, May warned against a Labour–SNP–Lib Dem pact that would "divide our country".[161] After the hung result led the Conservatives to seek DUP support for a minority government, this rhetoric was mocked by opponents.[162]
Party campaigns
Conservatives
May launched the Conservative campaign with a focus on Brexit, lower domestic taxes and avoiding a Labour–SNP-Lib Dem "coalition of chaos", but she refused to commit not to raise taxes.[163][161][164] On 30 April, May stated that it was her intention to lower taxes if the Conservatives won the general election, but only explicitly ruled out raising VAT.[165] May reiterated her commitment to spending 0.7% of GNI on foreign aid.[166]
On 7 May the Conservatives promised to replace the Mental Health Act 1983, to employ an additional 10,000 NHS mental health workers by 2020 and to tackle discrimination against those with mental health problems.[177] May indicated that the Conservatives would maintain their net immigration target, and promised to implement a cap on "rip-off energy prices",[178][179] a policy that appeared in Labour's 2015 manifesto.[180] May indicated she would permit a free vote among Conservative MPs on repealing the ban on fox hunting in England and Wales.[181] On 11 May the Conservatives promised above-inflation increases in defence spending alongside its NATO commitment to spend at least 2% of GDP on defence.[182]
In a speech in Tynemouth the next day, May said Labour had "deserted" working-class voters, criticised Labour's policy proposals and said Britain's future depended on making a success of Brexit.[183] On 14 May the Conservatives proposed a "new generation" of social housing, paid from the existing capital budget, offering funding to local authorities and changing compulsory purchase rules.[184] The following day May promised "a new deal for workers" that would maintain workers' rights currently protected by the EU after Brexit, put worker representation on company boards, introduce a statutory right to unpaid leave to care for a relative and increase the National Living Wage in line with average earnings until 2022.[185] The proposals were characterised as an "unabashed pitch for Labour voters"; however Labour and the GMB trade union criticised the government's past record on workers' rights.[185]
Unveiling the Conservative manifesto in Halifax on 18 May, May promised a "mainstream government that would deliver for mainstream Britain".[186] It proposed to balance the budget by 2025, raise spending on the NHS by £8bn per year and on schools by £4bn per year by 2022, remove the ban on grammar schools, means-test the winter fuel allowance, replace the state pension "triple lock" with a "double lock" and require executive pay to be approved by a vote of shareholders.[186] It dropped the 2015 pledge to not raise income tax or national insurance contributions but maintained a commitment to freeze VAT.[186] New sovereign wealth funds for infrastructure, rules to prevent foreign takeovers of "critical national infrastructure" and institutes of technology were also proposed.[187] The manifesto was noted for its intervention in industry, lack of tax cuts and increased spending commitments on public services.[188] On Brexit it committed to leaving the single market and customs union while seeking a "deep and special partnership" and promised a vote in parliament on the final agreement.[127] The manifesto was noted for containing similar policies to those found in Labour's 2015 general election manifesto.[189]
The manifesto also proposed reforms to social care in England that would raise the threshold for free care from £23,250 to £100,000, while including property in the means test and permitting deferred payment after death.[186] After attracting substantial media attention, four days after the manifesto launch, May stated that the proposed social care reforms would now include an "absolute limit" on costs in contrast to the rejection of a cap in the manifesto.[190] She criticised the "fake" portrayal of the policy in recent days by Labour and other critics, who had termed it a "dementia tax".[190]Evening Standard editor and former Conservative Chancellor George Osborne called the policy change a "U-turn".[191]
Corbyn launched the Labour campaign focusing on public spending, and argued that services were being underfunded, particularly education.[163] Labour's shadow Brexit secretary, Keir Starmer, stated that the party would replace the existing Brexit white paper with new negotiating priorities that emphasise the benefits of the single market and customs union, that the residence rights of EU nationals would be guaranteed and that the principle of free movement would have to end.[193][194] Corbyn emphasised Labour's support for a "jobs-first Brexit" that "safeguards the future of Britain's vital industries".[195]
Labour proposed the creation of four new bank holidays, marking the feast days of the patron saints of the United Kingdom's constituent nations.[196] On 27 April the party pledged to build 1 million new homes over five years.[197] Labour's proposal to employ 10,000 new police officers was overshadowed when Shadow Home SecretaryDiane Abbott cited incorrect figures in a widely publicised gaffe in an LBC interview on 2 May on how it would be funded.[198][199] Labour later stated that the £300 million cost would be funded by reversing cuts to capital gains taxes, although it was noted that the party had also pledged some of those savings towards other expenditure plans.[200]
On 7 May, Shadow Chancellor John McDonnell ruled out rises in VAT and in income tax and employee national insurance contributions for those with earnings below £80,000 per year.[201] The following day Labour outlined plans to ban junk food TV adverts and parking charges at NHS hospitals.[202][203] Labour promised an additional £4.8 billion for education, funded by raising corporation tax from 19% to 26%.[204]
A draft copy of Labour's manifesto was leaked to the Daily Mirror and The Daily Telegraph on 10 May.[205] It included pledges to renationalise the National Grid, railways, and the Royal Mail and create publicly owned energy companies. The draft was noted for including commitments to workers' rights, a ban on fracking, and the abolition of university tuition fees in England.[205] The draft manifesto included a commitment to the Trident nuclear deterrent, but suggested a future government would be "extremely cautious" about using it.[206] The next day Labour's Clause V meeting endorsed the manifesto after amendments from shadow cabinet members and trade unions present.[207]
In a speech at Chatham House on 12 May, Corbyn set out his foreign policy, saying he would reshape Britain's foreign relations, avoid the use of nuclear weapons, and while Labour supported Trident renewal he would initiate a defence review in government.[208] Corbyn stated that he would halt all weapons sales from the UK to Saudi Arabia citing the violations of human rights in the Saudi Arabian-led intervention in Yemen.[209] After the 2017 London Bridge attack, Corbyn said that a conversation should take place "with Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states that have funded and fuelled extremist ideology".[210]
On 14 May, Labour revealed plans to extend stamp duty by introducing a financial transaction tax, which McDonnell claimed would raise up to £5.6bn per year.[211] The next day Corbyn set out plans to spend £37bn on the NHS in England over a five-year parliament, including £10bn on IT upgrades and building repairs.[212]
Launching its manifesto officially on 16 May, Labour revealed it would nationalise the water industry, provide 30 hours per week of free childcare for two- to four-year-olds, charge companies a levy on annual earnings above £330,000, lower the 45p income tax rate threshold to £80,000 per year, and reintroduce the 50p tax rate for those earning more than £123,000 per year.[213][214] Labour said it would raise an additional £48.6bn in tax revenue per year and insisted its policies were fully costed, though it was noted no costings were provided for its nationalisation pledges.[215][216] Compared to the leaked draft, the manifesto was noted for toughening Labour's position on defence and Trident, confirming that outside the EU free movement would have to end, qualifying support for airport expansion, and clarifying the party's stance on Israel-Palestine, as well as other changes.[217] After initial confusion, Labour clarified it would not reverse the government's freeze on most working-age benefits.[218][219]
In an interview following the manifesto launch, Unite general secretary Len McCluskey said victory for Labour in the general election would be "extraordinary" and that winning just 200 seats (compared to 229 seats held at the time) would be a "successful" result; the following morning he clarified he was now "optimistic" about Labour's chances.[220][221]
SNP
The SNP, keen to maintain its position as the third-largest party in the House of Commons, made the need to protect Scotland's interests in the Brexit negotiations a central part of its campaign.[222] The SNP manifesto called for a vote on independence to be held "at the end of the Brexit process", set out "anti-austerity" plans to invest £118bn in UK public services over the next five years, pledged to increase the minimum wage to £10 an hour and called for Scotland to have control over immigration and to remain in the EU single market after Brexit.[223] With the polls closing, Nicola Sturgeon told the Today programme that the SNP could support a Labour government "on an issue-by-issue basis" in the event of a hung parliament and she would be open to forming a "progressive alternative to a Conservative government".[224]
The party reported a surge in membership after the election was called, passing 100,000 on 24 April, having grown by 12,500 in the preceding week.[229] The party also reported raising £500,000 in donations in the first 48 hours after May's announcement of an early election.[230]
An early issue raised in the campaign was Tim Farron's views, as a Christian, regarding gay sex and LGBT rights. After declining to state whether he thought gay sex was a sin, Farron affirmed that he believed neither being gay nor having gay sex are sinful.[231]
The party proposed raising income tax by 1p to fund the NHS and maintaining the triple-lock on the state pension.[232][233] The Liberal Democrats also promised an additional £7 billion to protect per-pupil funding in education; they said it would be partly funded by remaining in the EU single market.[204] The party pledged on 11 May to accept 50,000 refugees from Syria over five years, with Farron saying that the £4.3 billion costs would over time be repaid in taxes by those refugees that settle in Britain.[234]
On 12 May the party revealed plans to legalise cannabis and extend paid paternity leave.[235] Farron proposed financial incentives for graduates joining the armed forces and committed to NATO's 2% of GDP defence spending target.[236] The next day the Liberal Democrats promised to end the cap on public-sector pay increases and repeal the Investigatory Powers Act.[237][238] On 16 May the Liberal Democrats proposed an entrepreneurs' allowance, to review business rates and to increase access to credit.[239]
Policies emphasised during their manifesto launch on 17 May included a second referendum on a Brexit deal with the option to remain a member of the EU, discounted bus passes for 16- to 21-year-olds, the reinstatement of Housing Benefit for 18- to 21-year-olds, a £3bn plan to build 300,000 new houses a year by 2022 and support for renters to build up equity in their rented properties.[240]
Despite losing all 145 of the seats it was defending in the 2017 local elections (but gaining one from Labour in Burnley), Nuttall insisted voters would return to UKIP in the general election.[244] On 8 May UKIP proposed a net migration target of zero within five years.[245]
Within hours of the election being announced, Corbyn, Farron and Sturgeon called for televised debates.[246] The Prime Minister's office initially opposed the idea.[247] On 19 April, the BBC and ITV announced they planned to host leaders' debates, as they had done in the 2010 and 2015 elections, whether or not May took part.[248] Labour subsequently ruled out Corbyn taking part in television debates without May.[249]
Broadcaster Andrew Neil separately interviewed the party leaders in The Andrew Neil Interviews on BBC One, starting on 22 May with Theresa May.[250] The Manchester Arena bombing led to interviews with Nuttall, Farron, Sturgeon and Corbyn to be rescheduled.[251] ITV Tonight also ran a series of programmes with the major party leaders.[252]
Sky News and Channel 4 hosted an election programme on 29 May where May and Corbyn were individually interviewed by Jeremy Paxman after taking questions from a studio audience.[253][254] The BBC held two debates to which all seven main party leaders were invited, on 31 May in Cambridge and 6 June in Manchester; both May and Corbyn stated they would not attend the 31 May debate. May said that she had already debated Corbyn many times in parliament, and that she would be meeting the public instead.[255] Corbyn announced on the day that he would attend the debate in Cambridge, calling on May to do the same.[256] Instead Amber Rudd appeared for the Conservatives.[257]
The BBC hosted separate debates for the English regions, and for both Scotland and Wales, and also a Question Time special with May and Corbyn separately answering questions from voters on 2 June, chaired by David Dimbleby. Sturgeon and Farron were expected to do the same on 4 June, but after the 2017 London Bridge attack it was rescheduled to 5 June and instead presented by Nick Robinson.[citation needed] The BBC also hosted two back-to-back episodes of a special election programme titled Election Questions on 4 June, the first in Bristol with Green Party co-leader Jonathan Bartley followed by Nuttall, and the second in Swansea with Plaid Cymru leader Leanne Wood. The party leaders were individually questioned by a studio audience.[258][259]
STV planned to host a live TV debate in Glasgow with four Scottish party leaders on 24 May,[260] but it was postponed, owing to the Manchester Arena bombing. The debate was rescheduled for Tuesday 6 June.[261]
May subsequently stated her regret in not taking part in the debates, explaining her reasoning for not taking part in the debates as they had "[sucked] the life blood out of David Cameron's campaign" in 2010.[257]
United Kingdom general election debates, 2017[262][263]
Date
Organisers
Venue
Invitees
P Present S Surrogate NI Non-invitee A Absent invitee
Newspapers, organisations and individuals endorsed parties or individual candidates for the election. For example, the main national newspapers gave the following endorsements:
In contrast to the 2015 general election, in which smaller parties received more media coverage than usual, coverage during the 2017 election focused on the two main political parties, Labour and the Conservatives[290] (84% of the politicians featured in newspapers, and 67% on TV, were Conservative or Labour), with Conservatives sources receiving the most coverage and quotation, particularly in the print media (the margin of difference between Conservative and Labour sources was 2.1 points on TV and 9.6 points in newspapers).[291] The five most prominent politicians were Theresa May (Cons) (30.1% of news appearanced), Jeremy Corbyn (Lab) (26.7%), Tim Farron (Lib Dem) (6.8%), Nicola Sturgeon (SNP) (3.7%), and Boris Johnson (Cons) (3.6%).[291] The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) received next to no coverage during the campaign[290] (0.4% of appearances) but were prominent in coverage after the election.[291]
Social media was used during the election campaign by both political parties. Labour's key success in the election campaign was partly attributed to the use of social media. It was shown that Labour, who took the strategy of going for 'positive posting', like focusing on social improvement, welfare and public services was favoured over the Conservatives who had focused on negative topics like campaigning on security and terrorism.[292] The findings showed that over the course of the election campaign, Labour had outperformed the Conservatives and Corbyn's personal Facebook page significantly outweighed May's Facebook page by 5 million to nearly 800,000.[293]
Newspapers were partisan in their coverage and generally took an attacking editorial line, providing negative coverage of one or more parties they opposed rather than advocating for the party they endorsed,[291] with Labour receiving the most negative coverage.[291][294] Mick Temple, professor of Journalism and Politics at Staffordshire University, characterised the negativity Corbyn and Labour received during this election as more hostile than that which Ed Miliband and Labour received during the 2015 general election.[295] Jeremy Corbyn was portrayed as a coward,[296] and he and his closest allies were accused of being terrorist sympathizers.[297][290][298][299][296] During the election period, BBCQuestion Time host David Dimbleby said Jeremy Corbyn had not had 'a fair deal at the hands of the press' and that he was more popular than the media made him out to be.[300] An exception, when the Conservative Party received more negative coverage than Labour, was during the third week of the campaign, when the Conservatives released their manifesto, proposed a controversial social welfare policy (which became known as the "dementia tax") and subsequently made a U-turn on the proposal.[291] When newspaper circulation size is accounted for, the Conservative Party was the only party to receive a positive evaluation overall from the press.[291] It was endorsed by newspapers that had an 80% share of the national Sunday press audience (the five Sunday newspapers endorsing the Conservatives had a daily circulation of more than 4 million)[283] and 57% of the national daily press[301] (a combined circulation of 4,429,460[268]).
One national Sunday newspaper (the Sunday Mirror), endorsed Labour, with two others endorsing tactical voting against the Conservative (these three titles, with a daily circulation of under 1 million, had a share of 20% of the Sunday press audience),[283] and 11% of the national daily press[301] (namely, The Guardian and the Daily Mirror; a combined circulation of 841,010[268]). On this metric, 'Conservative partisanship was the most salient voice in the British national press'.[299] When newspapers' articles were measured by their positivity and negativity towards and against the parties running in the election, The Sun, The Daily Telegraph, the Daily Express and the Daily Mail provided support for the Conservatives and The Guardian and the Daily Mirror provided support for the Labour party.[291] However, few Guardian or Mirror election-related editorials called for a vote for Labour, and even fewer endorsed Corbyn – many articles in left-wing papers criticised him, or he was ignored.[299] While the collective voice of the right-wing papers were (four times) stronger in their support for the Conservatives than the left-wing were of Labour, on the whole they were similar to the left in their negativity towards, or avoidance of, the leader of their endorsed party.[299] Only the Daily Express gave Theresa May unreserved support.[299] After the election, the press turned on Theresa May,[302] who had run on a campaign that platformed her as a 'strong and stable' leader, and they described her as 'weak and wobbly', 'robotic', the 'zombie prime minister', and a 'dead woman walking'.[303]
Broadcast media, by giving airtime directly to Jeremy Corbyn and his policy ideas, was seen as playing a significant role during the election in presenting him as someone less frightening that the newspapers had presented him and more engaging than Theresa May.[304][305][306][307][308] The BBC has been criticised for its coverage during the election campaign. For example, right-wing papers The Sun and the Daily Mail complained that the audience at the BBC run leaders' debate was pro-Corbyn, and the Daily Mail asked why the topic of immigration, one of the Conservatives favoured issues, was barely mentioned; and right-wing websites Breitbart London and Westmonster said BBC coverage on Brexit was pro-EU.[309] Left-wing websites, like The Canary, The Skwawkbox and Another Angry Voice complained that the BBC was pro-Tory and anti-Corbyn.[309] According to analysts, a bias was evident during Jeremy Paxman's leaders debates, with 54% of airtime devoted to Conservative issues and 31% to Labour's.[301] In an episode of Have I Got News for You aired during the campaign period, Ian Hislop, editor of Private Eye, suggested the BBC was biased in favour of the Conservatives.[310] The BBC's political editorLaura Kuenssberg particularly received criticism for her election coverage.[309] During the election the BBC circulated a 2015 report of Kuenssberg's (on Corbyn's views on 'shoot to kill' policy) that had been censured by the BBC Trust for its misleading editing; on the final day of the election the BBC acknowledged that the clip was subject to a complaint that had been upheld by the Trust.[301]
As during the 2015 election, although less than then (−12.5%), most media coverage (32.9%) was given to the workings of the electoral process itself (e.g., electoral events, opinion polls, 'horse race' coverage, campaign mishaps).[291] During the first two weeks of campaigning, members of the public, interviewed in vox pops,[311] made up a fifth to almost a half of all sources in broadcast news.[290] While in the first two weeks of the election period policy made up less than half of all broadcast coverage,[290] over the whole campaign policy received more coverage in all media than during the previous election,[291] particularly after manifestos were published in the third week, when close to eight in ten broadcast news items were primarily about policy issues.[290] Policy around Brexit and the EU receiving most coverage overall (10.9%), and national events that happened during the campaign period (namely, the terrorist attacks on Manchester Arena and in the area of London Bridge), along with controversies over Trident, brought policy issues around defence and security to the fore (7.2%).[291][312][313]
From the start of the campaign, commentators predicted a landslide victory for the Conservatives.[314][290][315] After the results were in and the Conservatives had won by a much smaller margin, on air Channel 4's Jon Snow said, "I know nothing, we the media, the pundits and experts, know nothing".[290] A number of newspaper columnists expressed similar sentiments.[316] Some analysts and commentators have suggested the gap between the newspapers' strong support, and the public's marginal support, for the Conservatives in this election indicates a decline in the influence of print media, and/or that in 2017's election social media played a decisive role (perhaps being the first election in which this was the case[312][317]).[318][302][303][295][319][313][320][321][322] Some website and blog content, like that produced by The Canary and Another Angry Voice, gained as much traffic as many mainstream media articles[322][307] and went more viral than mainstream political journalism.[302][309]The London Economic had the most shared election-related article online during the campaign.[323] Others urge caution,[298] stressing that the traditional press still have an importance influence on how people vote.[324][298][314] In a YouGov poll, 42% of the general public said that TV was most influential in helping them choose, or confirming their choice in, whom to vote for; 32% said newspapers and magazines; 26%, social media; and 25%, radio.[325] 58% of people surveyed also thought that the social media had diminished the influence of newspapers.[325]
Politicians not standing
Members of Parliament who did not stand for re-election
Former UKIP leader Nigel Farage announced that he would not stand, saying he could be more effective as an MEP.[356] UKIP major donor Arron Banks, who had earlier indicated his intention to stand in Clacton to defeat Douglas Carswell, withdrew in favour of the UKIP candidate after Carswell announced he would be standing down.[357]
Plaid Cymru leader Leanne Wood chose not to contest a Westminster seat, nor did former Labour MP and shadow chancellor Ed Balls.[358][359]
In the 2015 general election, polling companies underestimated the Conservative Party vote and overestimated the Labour Party vote[360] and so failed to predict the result accurately.[361] Afterwards they started making changes to polling practices; recommendations from a review by the British Polling Council are likely to result in further changes.[362] Almost all polls and predictions were for seats in Great Britain only, with Northern Irish parties being either absent from the totals or counted as "other". The Spreadex columns below cover bets on the number of seats each party will win with the midpoint between asking and selling price.
Predictions three weeks before the vote
The first-past-the-post system used in UK general elections means that the number of seats won is not directly related to vote share. Thus, several approaches are used to convert polling data and other information into seat predictions. The table below lists some of the predictions.
The UK's first-past-the-post electoral system means that national shares of the vote do not give an exact indicator of how the various parties will be represented in Parliament. Different commentators and pollsters currently provide a number of predictions, based on polls and other data, as to how the parties will be represented in Parliament:
Lord Ashcroft Polls announced an estimate for the election result. He updated it at intervals on his website.[387][388]
Electoral Calculus maintained a running projection of seats according to latest polls on its website. It also maintained a seat-by-seat projection for Scotland.[374]
Election Forecast also maintained a projection of seats based on current opinion poll averages on their website.[373]
Elections Etc. issued regular forecasts based on current opinion poll averages, Betting Markets, expert predictions and other sources on their website.[389]
Britain Elects maintained a 'nowcast' – a projection showing what the result would be if held today – of seats based on historical data as well as national and regional polling.[377]
Exit poll
An exit poll, conducted by GfK and Ipsos MORI on behalf of the BBC, ITV and Sky News, was published at the end of voting at 10 pm, predicting the number of seats for each party, with the Conservatives being the largest party, but short of an overall majority:[392] Actual results were close to the prediction.
Results for all constituencies except Kensington were reported by the morning after the election. The Conservatives remained the largest single party in terms of seats and votes, but were short of a parliamentary majority. The Conservatives won 317 seats with 42.4% of the vote while the Labour Party won 262 seats with 40.0% of the vote. The election resulted in the third hung parliament since the Second World War, elections in February 1974 and 2010 having previously resulted in hung parliaments. YouGov correctly predicted a hung parliament after employing "controversial" methodology.[393][394][395]
Twenty-nine seats that had changed parties at the 2015 election changed parties again in 2017. Nineteen of these seats returned the candidate from the party that had held the seat in 2010. A third party took ten of these seats: nine were Conservative gains from the SNP in seats that the SNP had won from Labour in 2015, whilst Portsmouth South, which the Conservatives had gained from the Lib Dems in 2015, was then gained by Labour in 2017.
In England, Labour made a net gain of 21 seats, taking 25 constituencies from the Conservatives and two from the Liberal Democrats. Its gains were predominantly in university towns and cities and in London, most notably achieving victories in the London constituencies of Battersea, Croydon Central, Enfield Southgate and Kensington.[396] Labour also took the university constituencies of Canterbury, Ipswich and Lincoln from the Conservatives by narrow margins;[397] However it also lost five seats to the Conservatives, largely in the Midlands, and did not regain Copeland which had been lost in a February by-election.[398] The Conservatives had gained Mansfield, which had been held by Labour since 1918[399].The Conservatives experienced a net loss of 22 seats, the first time since 1997 that the party suffered a net loss of seats. They gained Clacton from UKIP and Southport from the Liberal Democrats in addition to the six gains from Labour. The Liberal Democrats took five seats from the Conservatives, including Twickenham, won back by Vince Cable, and Kingston and Surbiton, won by Ed Davey,[400] but lost two seats to Labour: Leeds North West and Sheffield Hallam, the seat of former party leader Nick Clegg. Richmond Park, which the Liberal Democrats had won in a 2016 by-election, was narrowly lost to the Conservatives. Caroline Lucas remained the sole Green Party MP, retaining Brighton Pavilion.
In Scotland, the Conservatives, Labour, and the Liberal Democrats all gained seats from the SNP, whose losses were attributed to opposition to a second Scottish independence referendum, contributing to tactical voting for unionist parties.[401][402] The Conservative Party placed second in Scotland for the first time since 1992, won its largest number of seats in Scotland since 1983[403] and recorded its highest share of the vote there since 1979. With thirteen seats, the Scottish Conservatives became the largest unionist party in Scotland for the first time since 1955. Labour gained six seats from the SNP; one of which was Kirkcaldy and Cowdenbeath, the old seat of former Labour Prime Minister Gordon Brown, whereas the Liberal Democrats gained three. Having won 56 of 59 Scottish seats at the last general election, the SNP lost a total of 21 seats, and majorities in its remaining seats were greatly reduced.[404] High-profile losses included SNP Commons leader Angus Robertson in Moray and former party leader and ex-First Minister Alex Salmond in Gordon.[405]
In Wales, Labour held 25 seats and gained Cardiff North, Gower and Vale of Clwyd from the Conservatives, leaving the Welsh Conservatives with eight seats. Plaid Cymru retained its three existing seats and gained Ceredigion, the Liberal Democrats' only seat in Wales.[406] This was the first ever election at which the Liberal Democrats or one of their ancestral parties failed to win a seat in Wales.
UKIP failed to win any seats, its vote share falling from 12.6% at the previous general election to just 1.8%; party leader Paul Nuttall came third in Boston and Skegness. The Greens' vote share dropped from 3.8% to 1.6%.
Analysis
The result was noted for increased vote shares for Labour (up 9.6 percentage points) and the Conservatives (up 5.5 percentage points), with a combined 82.4% share of the vote, up from 67.3% in 2015. The highest combined share of the vote for the two main parties since 1970, it was suggested this indicated a return to two-party politics[5] caused by tactical voting[409] which led to the Conservatives having a smaller share of seats despite an increased number of votes. The election was characterised by higher turnout, particularly among younger voters, which may have contributed to Labour's increased vote share.[410][411] Research company Ipsos MORI considered age to be one of the most significant factors behind the result; compared to the 2015 general election, under-45s tended to opt more for Labour and over-54s for the Conservatives.[411] It found 60% of those aged 18–24 voted Labour while 61% of over-64s voted Conservative.[411] The swing to Labour was high in those seats with large numbers of young people.[412] In seats where the Remain vote was strong there was also evidence of tactical voting against the Conservatives to stop a "hard Brexit", with many voters opting for the non-Conservative candidate with the best chance of winning.[413]
In terms of social grade, Labour increased its share of middle-class voters (defined as ABC1) by 12 percentage points compared to the previous election while the Conservatives increased their share of working-class voters (C2DE) by 12 percentage points.[411] Political scientist John Curtice found that the Conservatives tended to experience a greater increase in vote share in seats with a higher proportion of working-class voters, particularly those that voted Leave in the EU referendum.[412] Many of Labour's most successful results occurred in seats that voted Remain by a large margin in 2016.[412]
Compared to previous elections, turnout by private renters increased (from 51% in 2010 to 65%) and favoured Labour to a greater degree, with the party achieving a 23-point lead over the Conservatives among private renters; the Conservatives maintained a 14-point lead among homeowners.[414] In terms of education, YouGov found that a one-point lead for the Conservatives among university graduates in 2015 had flipped to a 17-point lead for Labour in 2017.[414][415] For those with low educational qualifications, the Conservatives led by 22 points, up from 8 points in 2015.[414][415]
It was suggested that UKIP's decline boosted both main parties, but tended to help Labour retain seats in the North of England and the Midlands against the Conservatives, though it may have also benefited the Conservatives in predominantly working-class seats.[410][414] Ipsos Mori found that UKIP's collapse was consistent across all age groups.[411]
Published in August 2017, the British Election Study (BES), which surveyed 30,000 voters, found that despite a relatively low profile in the campaign, Brexit was considered to be the single most important issue facing the country by over a third of respondents.[416] It found more than half of UKIP voters in 2015 went to the Conservatives, while 18% went to Labour.[416] Remain voters tended to favour Labour, with the party particularly gaining among Remain voters who previously supported other parties, despite perceived uncertainty over its position on the single market.[416] There was a strong correlation between those who prioritised controlling immigration and the Conservatives, while the same was true for supporting single market access and those who opted for Labour or the Liberal Democrats.[416]
The BES study indicated the importance of the campaign period. A pre-election survey found 41% for the Conservatives and 27% for Labour, but by the election 19% of voters had switched party.[416] Unlike the previous election where both main parties achieved similar shares of late-switchers, Labour won 54% while the Conservatives won 19%.[416] Likeability of party leaders also narrowed over the course of the campaign.[416]
A record number of woman and LGBT+ MPs were elected.[420][421] 208 woman MPs were elected to Parliament; the first time more than 200 MPs were women and beating the previous high of 196 woman MPs in the last Parliament.[422] For the first time, a majority of MPs were educated at state comprehensive schools.[423] More MPs who are known to be disabled were elected in 2017 than in 2015.[424]
Long-term trends
The results of the 2017 general election indicate the tilting of Britain's political axis, which reflects long-term trends.[425] Looking at information of constituency-level voting in England between 2005 and 2017, patterns of voting confirm the relevance of identifying new categories of social class alongside traditional political divides.[425] Labour has had increased appeal to voters who work in areas central to the modern British economy, and at the same time in larger metropolitan centres and economically dynamic university towns.[425] On the other hand, the Conservative voter base has been seen to increase in less populated, less ethnically diverse areas, where voters are more engaged in industries such as manufacturing.[425]
Overall
Election results plotted on a map showing equal-size constituencies, showing winning party in each.
Election results showing the best-performing party in each constituency, other than Conservative or Labour.
Summary
After all 650 constituencies had been declared, the results were:[426][427]
Corbyn and Farron called on May to resign.[433][434] On 9 June, May apologised to candidates who lost their seats and confirmed she would continue as party leader and prime minister, with the intention of forming a minority government with support from the Democratic Unionist Party to ensure "certainty".[434] By convention, when no party has a majority, the incumbent prime minister has the first opportunity to garner enough support to govern.
On 10 June, a survey of 1,500 ConservativeHome readers found that almost two-thirds of Conservative Party members wanted Theresa May to resign.[436] A YouGov poll of 1,720 adults for The Sunday Times had 48% saying Theresa May should resign, with 38% against.[437] A Survation poll of 1,036 adults online for The Mail on Sunday showed 49% of people wanting her resignation, with 38% against.[437] On 11 June George Osborne, former Chancellor of the Exchequer, described May as a "dead woman walking".[438]
Negotiations between the Conservatives and the DUP began on 9 June. On 12 June, it was reported that the State Opening of Parliament, scheduled for 19 June, could be delayed.[440] DUP sources informed the BBC that the Grenfell Tower fire on 14 June would delay finalisation of an agreement.[441] On 15 June, it was announced that the Queen's Speech would occur on 21 June.[442] A confidence and supply deal was reached on 26 June, with the DUP backing the Conservatives in key votes in the House of Commons over the course of the parliament. The agreement included additional funding of £1 billion for Northern Ireland, highlighted mutual support for Brexit and national security, expressed commitment to the Good Friday Agreement, and indicated that policies such as the state pension triple lock and Winter Fuel Payments would be maintained.[443] Various commentators suggested that this raised problems for the UK government's role as a neutral arbiter in Northern Ireland, as is required under the Good Friday Agreement.[444][445][446]
In April 2020, Sky News's Tom Rayner and The Independent's Jon Stone reported on an 860-page dossier into the handing of allegations of antisemitism by Labour members and officials.[447] Stone stated that the right-wing of the party weaponised claims of antisemitism—amongst other things—in an active attempt to undermine Corbyn and prevent Labour from winning the 2017 election in the hope that a poor result would trigger a leadership contest to remove Corbyn as leader.[448]
Party leadership changes
After achieving just 1.8% of the popular vote, down from 12.7% in 2015, and failing to win any seats, Paul Nuttall resigned as UKIP leader on 9 June.[449] A leadership election followed.
Also on 14 June, Brian Paddick resigned as home affairs spokesperson for the Liberal Democrats over concerns about Farron's "views on various issues" during the campaign.[451] Later that day Farron announced his resignation as leader of the Liberal Democrats, citing conflict between his Christian faith and serving as leader.[452] He remained as leader until Sir Vince Cable was elected unopposed on 20 July.[453]
Campaign post-mortems
Figures inside and outside the Conservative Party criticised its campaign widely. Points of criticism included the initial decision to call the election (which Lynton Crosby had advised against); the control of the campaign by a small team of May's joint chiefs of staff Nick Timothy and Fiona Hill, who were more experienced with policy work than campaigning; the presidential style of the campaign focusing on the figure of Theresa May, while most of the Cabinet were sidelined (particularly the exclusion of Chancellor of the Exchequer Philip Hammond, with reports that May would sack him after the election);[454] and a poorly designed manifesto that offered little hope and the contents of which were not shared with Cabinet members until shortly before its release.[455] In July, Prime Minister Theresa May admitted she had "shed a tear" upon seeing the election exit poll, and suggested the manifesto's lack of appeal to younger voters had played a part in Conservative shortcomings.[456]
Allegations of Russian interference
In 2018, an investigation by Swansea University and The Sunday Times revealed that 6,500 Russian Twitter accounts, at least many of which were bots, supported Labour, denigrated Conservatives, and reached millions of voters. Their intention was to swing the elections for Labour.[457] Labour's Shadow Chancellor John McDonnell dismissed the claims as "ludicrous", "farcical" and a "classic Sunday Times smear campaign" and further said: "If there's an issue here about anything with Russian influence in our society, it's about Russian oligarchs funding the Tory party – let's have an inquiry into that."[458][459]
Election turnout figures
A January 2018 report in The Times reported that researchers at Oxford University and the University of Manchester have found that election turnout in June 2017 was actually in the high 70s per cent and could have been as high as 80.3 per cent, partly because those with second homes and students are registered twice, and partly also because of entries there by mistake or because of voter fraud. By overestimating the number of registered voters, official sources underestimated the proportion of the electorate that voted. Turnout in the 2017 election is likely to have been roughly 78 per cent. A spokesman for the Election Commission said officials would "consider this report's findings on the calculation of election turnout figures". The commission "continues to work to improve the accuracy and completeness" of the electoral register, he added.[460]
Donations
Electoral commission data[461] shows that in 2017 Q2, total donations for each major political party, over £7,500, are as follows:
^Given that Sinn Féin MPs do not take their seats and the Speaker and deputies do not vote, the number of MPs needed for a majority is, in practice, slightly lower. Sinn Féin won 7 seats, meaning a practical majority requires at least 320 MPs.
^Or, in the case of a British citizen who moved abroad before the age of 18, if his/her parent/guardian was on the Electoral Register in the UK in the last 15 years
^ abThe deadline for the receipt and determination of anonymous electoral registration applications is one working day before the publication date of the notice of alteration to the Electoral Register (that is, the sixth working day before polling day).[16]
^ abcElectoral Calculus counts Speaker John Bercow in the Conservative total
^Carswell was elected as a UKIP MP in 2015 after defecting from the Conservatives in 2014. He left UKIP in 2017 to sit as an independent, and chose not to stand again.
^Thomson was elected as an SNP MP in 2015, but resigned from the party whip and gave up her SNP membership later that year, following the announcement of a police inquiry into allegations made against her.
^The seat had already been gained at a by-election in February. Gains at a general election are normally contrasted to the previous general election, ignoring by-elections in between.
^Eunice Goes, 'Jez, We Can!' Labour's Campaign: Defeat with a Taste of Victory, Parliamentary Affairs, Volume 71, Issue suppl_1, March 2018, Pages 59–71, https://doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsx062Archived 11 July 2024 at the Wayback Machine
^BBC News includes the Speaker of the House of Commons, John Bercow, in the MP tally and the vote tally for the Conservatives. In this table, however, the speaker (who usually does not vote in the Commons) is listed separately, and has been removed from the Conservative tally.
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Thai footballer This article uses bare URLs, which are uninformative and vulnerable to link rot. Please consider converting them to full citations to ensure the article remains verifiable and maintains a consistent citation style. Several templates and tools are available to assist in formatting, such as reFill (documentation) and Citation bot (documentation). (August 2022) (Learn how and when to remove this template message) Sarawut Masuk Personal informationFull name Sarawut MasukBirth name...
جزيرة السلاحف (هايتي) جزيرة السلاحف معلومات جغرافية الموقع المحيط الأطلسي الإحداثيات 20°02′23″N 72°47′24″W / 20.039722222222°N 72.79°W / 20.039722222222; -72.79 الأرخبيل جزر الأنتيل الكبرى المسطح المائي البحر الكاريبي المساحة 180 كيلومتر مربع طول المحيط 80 كيلومتر ...
2010 EP by Matt CorbyTransition to ColourEP by Matt CorbyReleasedOctober 2010 (2010-10)Recorded2010Studio2kHz Studios, London, Dragonfly Studios, MelbourneLabelCommunion Music , Universal Music AustraliaProducerIan Grimble, Dann HumeMatt Corby chronology My False(2010) Transition to Colour(2010) Into the Flame(2011) Singles from Transition to Colour Made of StoneReleased: 2010[1] Transition to Colour is the third EP by Australian musician Matt Corby. It was recorded ...