Non-Christian sources that are used to study and establish the historicity of Jesus include Jewish sources such as Josephus, and Roman sources such as Tacitus. These sources are compared to Christian sources such as the Pauline Epistles and the Synoptic Gospels. These sources are usually independent of each other (i.e., Jewish sources do not draw upon Roman sources), and similarities and differences between them are used in the authentication process.[10][11]
Some scholars estimate that there are about 30 surviving independent sources written by 25 authors who attest to Jesus.[12] To establish the existence of a person without any assumptions, one source from one author (either a supporter or opponent) is needed; for Jesus there are at least 12 independent sources from five authors from supporters and 2 independent sources from two authors from non-supporters, within a century of the crucifixion.[13] Since historical sources on other named individuals from first century Galilee were written by either supporters or enemies, these sources on Jesus cannot be dismissed, and the existence of at least 14 sources from at least 7 authors means there is much more evidence available for Jesus than for any other notable person from 1st century Galilee.[13]
The letters of Paul are the earliest surviving sources referencing Jesus and Paul documents personally knowing and interacting with eyewitnesses such as Jesus' brother James and some of Jesus closest disciples around 36 CE, within a few years of the crucifixion (30 or 33 CE).[14] Paul was a contemporary of Jesus and throughout his letters, a fairly full outline of the life of Jesus on earth can be found.[15][16]
From just Paul, Josephus, and Tacitus alone, the existence of Jesus along with the general time and place of his activity can be confirmed.[17]
About this time there lived Jesus, a wise man, if indeed one ought to call him a man. For he was one who performed surprising deeds and was a teacher of such people as accept the truth gladly. He won over many Jews and many of the Greeks. He was the Christ. And when, upon the accusation of the principal men among us, Pilate had condemned him to a cross, those who had first come to love him did not cease. He appeared to them spending a third day restored to life, for the prophets of God had foretold these things and a thousand other marvels about him. And the tribe of the Christians, so called after him, has still to this day not disappeared.
And now Caesar, upon hearing the death of Festus, sent Albinus into Judea, as procurator. But the king deprived Joseph of the high priesthood, and bestowed the succession to that dignity on the son of Ananus, who was also himself called Ananus. Now the report goes that this eldest Ananus proved a most fortunate man; for he had five sons who had all performed the office of a high priest to God, and who had himself enjoyed that dignity a long time formerly, which had never happened to any other of our high priests. But this younger Ananus, who, as we have told you already, took the high priesthood, was a bold man in his temper, and very insolent; he was also of the sect of the Sadducees, who are very rigid in judging offenders, above all the rest of the Jews, as we have already observed; when, therefore, Ananus was of this disposition, he thought he had now a proper opportunity. Festus was now dead, and Albinus was but upon the road; so he assembled the sanhedrin of judges, and brought before them the brother of Jesus, who was called Christ, whose name was James, and some others; and when he had formed an accusation against them as breakers of the law, he delivered them to be stoned: but as for those who seemed the most equitable of the citizens, and such as were the most uneasy at the breach of the laws, they disliked what was done; they also sent to the king, desiring him to send to Ananus that he should act so no more, for that what he had already done was not to be justified; nay, some of them went also to meet Albinus, as he was upon his journey from Alexandria, and informed him that it was not lawful for Ananus to assemble a sanhedrin without his consent. Whereupon Albinus complied with what they said, and wrote in anger to Ananus, and threatened that he would bring him to punishment for what he had done; on which king Agrippa took the high priesthood from him, when he had ruled but three months, and made Jesus, the son of Damneus, high priest.
Of the two passages, the James passage in Book 20 is used by scholars to support the existence of Jesus, the Testimonium Flavianum in Book 18 his crucifixion.[10] Josephus' James passage attests to the existence of Jesus as a historical person and that some of his contemporaries considered him the Messiah.[10][23] According to Bart Ehrman, Josephus' passage about Jesus was altered by a Christian scribe, including the reference to Jesus as the Messiah.[24]
A textual argument against the authenticity of the James passage is that the use of the term "Christos" there seems unusual for Josephus.[25] An argument based on the flow of the text in the document is that, given that the mention of Jesus appears in the Antiquities before that of the John the Baptist, a Christian interpolator may have inserted it to place Jesus in the text before John.[25] A further argument against the authenticity of the James passage is that it would have read well even without a reference to Jesus.[25]
The passage deals with the death of "James the brother of Jesus" in Jerusalem. Whereas the works of Josephus refer to at least twenty different people with the name Jesus, this passage specifies that this Jesus was the one "who was called Christ".[26][27]Louis Feldman states that this passage, above others, indicates that Josephus did say something about Jesus.[28]
Modern scholarship has almost universally acknowledged the authenticity of the reference in Book 20, Chapter 9, 1 of the Antiquities to "the brother of Jesus, who was called Christ, whose name was James",[29] and considers it as having the highest level of authenticity among the references of Josephus to Christianity.[20][21][30][31][32][33]
The Testimonium Flavianum (meaning the testimony of Flavius [Josephus]) is the name given to the passage found in Book 18, Chapter 3, 3 of the Antiquities in which Josephus describes the condemnation and crucifixion of Jesus at the hands of the Roman authorities.[34][35] Scholars have differing opinions on the total or partial authenticity of the reference in the passage to the execution of Jesus by Pontius Pilate.[20][35] The general scholarly view is that while the Testimonium Flavianum is most likely not authentic in its entirety, it is broadly agreed upon that it originally consisted of an authentic nucleus with a reference to the execution of Jesus by Pilate which was then subject to Christian interpolation.[23][35][36][37][38] Although the exact nature and extent of the Christian redaction remains unclear,[39] there is broad consensus as to what the original text of the Testimonium by Josephus would have looked like.[38] This conventional viewpoint was challenged in 2022 by G. J. Goldberg's paraphrase model of the Testimonium.[40] Using research on Josephus's composition methods, Goldberg demonstrated that the Testimonium can be understood as a paraphrase by Josephus of a text very similar to, if not identical with, Luke's Emmaus narrative (Luke 24:18–24). Goldberg argues that consequently there cannot have been any significant Christian additions to Josephus's version, as they would have no reason to have been consistent with this paraphrase relationship. Furthermore, Goldberg argues that Josephus would have known if his Emmaus-like source was trustworthy or not, and so his Testimonium acceptably attests to the historicity of Jesus.
The references found in Antiquities have no parallel texts in the other work by Josephus such as the Jewish War, written twenty years earlier, but some scholars have provided explanations for their absence, such as that the Antiquities covers a longer time period and that during the twenty-year gap between the writing of the Jewish Wars (c. 70 CE) and Antiquities (after 90 CE) Christians had become more important in Rome and were hence given attention in the Antiquities.[41]
A number of variations exist between the statements by Josephus regarding the deaths of James and the New Testament accounts.[42] Scholars generally view these variations as indications that the Josephus passages are not interpolations, because a Christian interpolator would more likely have made them correspond to the Christian traditions.[26][42]Robert Eisenman provides numerous early Christian sources that confirm the Josephus testament, that James was the brother of Jesus.[43]
Such indeed were the precautions of human wisdom. The next thing was to seek means of propitiating the gods, and recourse was had to the Sibylline books, by the direction of which prayers were offered to Vulcanus, Ceres, and Proserpina. Juno, too, was entreated by the matrons, first, in the Capitol, then on the nearest part of the coast, whence water was procured to sprinkle the fane and image of the goddess. And there were sacred banquets and nightly vigils celebrated by married women. But all human efforts, all the lavish gifts of the emperor, and the propitiations of the gods, did not banish the sinister belief that the conflagration was the result of an order. Consequently, to get rid of the report, Nero fastened the guilt and inflicted the most exquisite tortures on a class hated for their abominations, called Christians by the populace. Christus, from whom the name had its origin, suffered the extreme penalty during the reign of Tiberius at the hands of one of our procurators, Pontius Pilatus, and a most mischievous superstition, thus checked for the moment, again broke out not only in Judaea, the first source of the evil, but even in Rome, where all things hideous and shameful from every part of the world find their centre and become popular. Accordingly, an arrest was first made of all who pleaded guilty; then, upon their information, an immense multitude was convicted, not so much of the crime of firing the city, as of hatred against mankind. Mockery of every sort was added to their deaths. Covered with the skins of beasts, they were torn by dogs and perished, or were nailed to crosses, or were doomed to the flames and burnt, to serve as a nightly illumination, when daylight had expired. Nero offered his gardens for the spectacle, and was exhibiting a show in the circus, while he mingled with the people in the dress of a charioteer or stood aloft on a car. Hence, even for criminals who deserved extreme and exemplary punishment, there arose a feeling of compassion; for it was not, as it seemed, for the public good, but to glut one man's cruelty, that they were being destroyed.
Scholars generally consider Tacitus's reference to the execution of Jesus by Pontius Pilate to be both authentic, and of historical value as an independent Roman source about early Christianity that is in unison with other historical records.[47][48][49][50][51] William L. Portier has stated that the consistency in the references by Tacitus, Josephus and the letters to Emperor Trajan by Pliny the Younger reaffirm the validity of all three accounts.[51]
John Dominic Crossan considers the passage important in establishing that Jesus existed and was crucified, and states: "That he was crucified is as sure as anything historical can ever be, since both Josephus and Tacitus... agree with the Christian accounts on at least that basic fact."[57]Bart D. Ehrman states: "Tacitus's report confirms what we know from other sources, that Jesus was executed by order of the Roman governor of Judea, Pontius Pilate, sometime during Tiberius's reign."[58] Paul Rhodes Eddy and Gregory A. Boyd state that it is now "firmly established" that Tacitus provides a non-Christian confirmation of the crucifixion of Jesus.[59]
Some scholars have debated the historical value of the passage given that Tacitus does not reveal the source of his information.[60]Gerd Theissen and Annette Merz argue that Tacitus at times had drawn on earlier historical works now lost to us, and he may have used official sources from a Roman archive in this case; however, if Tacitus had been copying from an official source, some scholars would expect him to have labeled Pilate correctly as a prefect rather than a procurator.[61] Theissen and Merz state that Tacitus gives us a description of widespread prejudices against Christianity and a few precise details about "Christus" and Christianity, the source of which remains unclear.[62] However, Paul R. Eddy has stated that given his position as a senator Tacitus was also likely to have had access to official Roman documents of the time and did not need other sources.[63]
Weaver notes that Tacitus spoke of the persecution of Christians, but no other Christian author wrote of this persecution for a hundred years.[64] However, classicists have observed that Nero’s persecution has echos in earlier sources such as 1 Clement from the late 90s AD and that the event is acknowledged in numerous earlier Christian sources from the second half of the second century.[65][66]
Richard Carrier has proposed the fringe idea that the reference is a Christian interpolation, and that Tacitus intended to refer to "Chrestians" as a separate religious group unaffiliated with Christianity.[67][68] However, the majority view is that the terms "Chrestians" and "Christians" are the same group.[69] Classicists observe that Carrier’s thesis is outdated, not supported on textual grounds, nor is there any evidence of this non-Christian group existing and is thus dismissed by classical scholars.[65] Furthermore, in a recent assessment by latinists on the passage, they unanimously deemed the passage authentic and noted that no serous Tacitean scholar believe it to be an interpolation.[65] That the passage is not an interpolation is the consensus.[70]
Scholars have also debated the issue of hearsay in the reference by Tacitus. Charles Guignebert argued that "So long as there is that possibility [that Tacitus is merely echoing what Christians themselves were saying], the passage remains quite worthless".[71] R. T. France states that the Tacitus passage is at best just Tacitus repeating what he had heard through Christians.[72] However, Paul R. Eddy has stated that as Rome's preeminent historian, Tacitus was generally known for checking his sources and was not in the habit of reporting gossip.[63] Tacitus was a member of the Quindecimviri sacris faciundis, a council of priests whose duty it was to supervise foreign religious cults in Rome, which as Van Voorst points out, makes it reasonable to suppose that he would have acquired knowledge of Christian origins through his work with that body.[73]
The letter refers to the unjust treatment of "three wise men": the murder of Socrates, the burning of Pythagoras, and the execution of "the wise king" of the Jews.[74][75] The author explains that in all three cases the wrongdoing resulted in the future punishment of those responsible by God and that when the wise are oppressed, not only does their wisdom triumph in the end, but God punishes their oppressors.[77]
The letter includes no Christian themes and the author is presumed to be a pagan.[75][76] Some scholars see the reference to the execution of the "wise king" of the Jews as an early non-Christian reference to Jesus.[74][75][76] Criteria that support the non-Christian origin of the letter include the observation that "king of the Jews" was not a Christian title, and that the letter's premise that Jesus lives on through the wisdom of his teachings is in contrast to the Christian concept that Jesus continues to live through his resurrection.[76][77]
Scholars such as Robert Van Voorst see little doubt that the reference to the execution of the "king of the Jews" is about the death of Jesus.[77] Others such as Craig A. Evans see less value in the letter, given its uncertain date, and the possible ambiguity in the reference.[78]
The earlier passage in Claudius may include a reference to Jesus, but is subject to debate among scholars.[81] In Claudius 25 Suetonius refers to the expulsion of Jews by Claudius and states:[79]
"Since the Jews constantly made disturbances at the instigation of Chrestus, he expelled them from Rome."
The reference in Claudius 25 involves the agitations in the Jewish community which led to the expulsion of some Jews from Rome by Claudius, and is likely the same event mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles (18:2).[74] Most historians date this expulsion to around 49–50 CE.[74][83] Suetonius refers to the leader of the Christians as Chrestus, a term also used by Tacitus, referred in Latin dictionaries as a (amongst other things) version of 'Christus'.[84] However, the wording used by Suetonius implies that Chrestus was alive at the time of the disturbance and was agitating the Jews in Rome.[38][74] This weakens the historical value of his reference as a whole, and there is no overall scholarly agreement about its value as a reference to Jesus.[38][81] However, the confusion of Suetonius also points to the lack of Christian interpolation, for a Christian scribe would not have confused the Jews with Christians.[38][81]
Most scholars assume that in the reference Jesus is meant and that the disturbances mentioned were due to the spread of Christianity in Rome.[81][85][86] However, scholars are divided on the value of the Suetonius' reference. Some scholars such as Craig A. Evans, John Meier and Craig S. Keener see it as a likely reference to Jesus.[87][88] Others such as Stephen Benko and H. Dixon Slingerland see it as having little or no historical value.[81]
Menahem Stern states Suetonius definitely was referring to Jesus; because he would have added "a certain" to Chrestus if he had meant some unknown agitator.[89]
A page from Sanhedrin in the 12th century Reuchlin Codex Talmud
The Babylonian Talmud in a few cases includes possible references to Jesus using the terms "Yeshu", "Yeshu ha-Notzri", "ben Stada", and "ben Pandera". Some of these references probably date back to the Tannaitic period (70–200 CE).[90][91] In some cases, it is not clear if the references are to Jesus, or other people, and scholars continue to debate their historical value, and exactly which references, if any, may be to Jesus.[92][93][94]
Robert Van Voorst states that the scarcity of Jewish references to Jesus is not surprising, given that Jesus was not a prominent issue for the Jews during the first century, and after the devastation caused by the Siege of Jerusalem in the year 70, Jewish scholars were focusing on preserving Judaism itself, rather than paying much attention to Christianity.[95]
Robert Eisenman argues that the derivation of Jesus of Nazareth from "ha-Notzri" is impossible on etymological grounds, as it would suggest rather "the Nazirite" rather than "the Nazarene".[96]
Van Voorst states that although the question of who was referred to in various points in the Talmud remains subject to debate among scholars, in the case of Sanhedrin 43a (generally considered the most important reference to Jesus in rabbinic literature), Jesus can be confirmed as the subject of the passage, not only from the reference itself, but from the context that surrounds it, and there is little doubt that it refers to the death of Jesus of Nazareth.[97][98]Christopher M. Tuckett states that if it is accepted that death narrative of Sanhedrin 43a refers to Jesus of Nazareth then it provides evidence of Jesus' existence and execution.[99]
Andreas Kostenberger states that the passage is a Tannaitic reference to the trial and death of Jesus at Passover and is most likely earlier than other references to Jesus in the Talmud.[91] The passage reflects hostility toward Jesus among the rabbis and includes this text:[90][91]
It is taught: On the eve of Passover they hung Yeshu and the crier went forth for forty days beforehand declaring that "[Yeshu] is going to be stoned for practicing witchcraft, for enticing and leading Israel astray. Anyone who knows something to clear him should come forth and exonerate him." But no one had anything exonerating for him and they hung him on the eve of Passover.[100]
Peter Schäfer states that there can be no doubt that the narrative of the execution of Jesus in the Talmud refers to Jesus of Nazareth, but states that the rabbinic literature in question are not Tannaitic but from a later Amoraic period and may have drawn on the Christian gospels, and may have been written as responses to them.[101]Bart Ehrman and separately Mark Allan Powell state that given that the Talmud references are quite late, they can give no historically reliable information about the teachings or actions of Jesus during his life.[102][103]
Another reference in early second century Rabbinic literature (Tosefta Hullin II 22) refers to Rabbi Eleazar ben Dama who was bitten by a snake, but was denied healing in the name of Jesus by another Rabbi for it was against the law, and thus died.[104] This passage reflects the attitude of Jesus' early Jewish opponents, i.e. that his miracles were based on evil powers.[104][105]
Eddy and Boyd, who question the value of several of the Talmudic references state that the significance of the Talmud to historical Jesus research is that it never denies the existence of Jesus, but accuses him of sorcery, thus indirectly confirming his existence.[92]R. T. France and separately Edgar V. McKnight state that the divergence of the Talmud statements from the Christian accounts and their negative nature indicate that they are about a person who existed.[106][107] Craig Blomberg states that the denial of the existence of Jesus was never part of the Jewish tradition, which instead accused him of being a sorcerer and magician, as also reflected in other sources such as Celsus.[90]Andreas Kostenberger states that the overall conclusion that can be drawn from the references in the Talmud is that Jesus was a historical person whose existence was never denied by the Jewish tradition, which instead focused on discrediting him.[91]
Thallus, of whom very little is known, and none of whose writings survive, wrote a history allegedly around the middle to late first century CE, to which Eusebius referred. Julius Africanus, writing c. 221 CE, links a reference in the third book of the History to the period of darkness described in the crucifixion accounts in three of the Gospels.[109][110] It is not known whether Thallus made any mention to the crucifixion accounts; if he did and the dating is accurate, it would be the earliest noncanonical reference to a gospel episode, but its usefulness in determining the historicity of Jesus is uncertain.[109][111][112]
Phlegon of Tralles, 80–140 CE: similar to Thallus, Julius Africanus mentions a historian named Phlegon who wrote a chronicle of history around 140 CE, where he records:
"Phlegon records that, in the time of Tiberius Caesar, at full moon, there was a full eclipse of the sun from the sixth to the ninth hour." (Africanus, Chronography, 18:1) Phlegon is also mentioned by Origen (an early church theologian and scholar, born in Alexandria):
"Now Phlegon, in the thirteenth or fourteenth book, I think, of his Chronicles, not only ascribed to Jesus a knowledge of future events ... but also testified that the result corresponded to His predictions." (Origen Against Celsus, Book 2, Chapter 14)
"And with regard to the eclipse in the time of Tiberius Caesar, in whose reign Jesus appears to have been crucified, and the great earthquakes which then took place ..." (Origen Against Celsus, Book 2, Chapter 33)
"Jesus, while alive, was of no assistance to himself, but that he arose after death, and exhibited the marks of his punishment, and showed how his hands had been pierced by nails." (Origen Against Celsus, Book 2, Chapter 59).[113]
Philo, who dies after 40 CE, is mainly important for the light he throws on certain modes of thought and phraseology found again in some of the Apostles. Eusebius[114] indeed preserves a legend that Philo had met Peter in Rome during his mission to the Emperor Caius; moreover, that in his work on the contemplative life he describes the life of the Church of Alexandria, rather than that of the Essenes and Therapeutae. But it is hardly probable that Philo had heard enough of Jesus and His followers to give an historical foundation to the foregoing legends.[115]
Celsus writing late in the second century produced the first full-scale attack on Christianity.[109][116] Celsus' document has not survived but in the third century Origen replied to it, and what is known of Celsus' writing is through the responses of Origen.[109] According to Origen, Celsus accused Jesus of being a magician and a sorcerer. While the statements of Celsus may be seen as valuable, they have little historical value, given that the wording of the original writings can not be examined.[116]
The Dead Sea Scrolls are first century or older writings that show the language and customs of some Jews of Jesus' time.[117] Scholars such as Henry Chadwick see the similar uses of languages and viewpoints recorded in the New Testament and the Dead Sea Scrolls as valuable in showing that the New Testament portrays the first century period that it reports and is not a product of a later period.[118][119] However, the relationship between the Dead Sea scrolls and the historicity of Jesus has been the subject of highly controversial theories, and although new theories continue to appear, there is no overall scholarly agreement about their impact on the historicity of Jesus, despite the usefulness of the scrolls in shedding light on first-century Jewish traditions.[120][121]
Disputed sources
The following sources are disputed, and of limited historical value:
Lucian of Samosata (born 115 CE), a well-known Greek satirist and traveling lecturer wrote mockingly of the followers of Jesus for their ignorance and credulity.[109][122] Given that Lucian's understanding of Christian traditions has significant gaps and errors, his writing is unlikely to have been influenced by Christians themselves, and he may provide an independent statement about the crucifixion of Jesus.[109] However, given the nature of the text as satire, Lucian may have embellished the stories he heard and his account cannot have a high degree of historical reliability.[122]
Emperor Trajan (c. 53–117), in reply to a letter sent by Pliny the Younger, wrote "You observed proper procedure, my dear Pliny, in sifting the cases of those who had been denounced to you as Christians. For it is not possible to lay down any general rule to serve as a kind of fixed standard. They are not to be sought out; if they are denounced and proved guilty, they are to be punished, with this reservation, that whoever denies that he is a Christian and really proves it—that is, by worshiping our gods—even though he was under suspicion in the past, shall obtain pardon through repentance. But anonymously posted accusations ought to have no place in any prosecution. For this is both a dangerous kind of precedent and out of keeping with the spirit of our age."
Epictetus (55–135 CE) provides another possible yet disputed reference to Christians as "Galileans" in his "Discourses" 4.7.6 and 2.9.19–21: "Therefore, if madness can produce this attitude [of detachment] toward these things [death, loss of family, property], and also habit, as with the Galileans, can no one learn from reason and demonstration that God has made all things in the universe, and the whole universe itself, to be unhindered and complete in itself, and the parts of it to serve the needs of the whole."
Numenius of Apamea, in the second century, wrote a possible allusion to Christians and Christ that is contained in fragments of his treatises on the points of divergence between the Academicians and Plato, on the Good (in which according to Origen, Contra Celsum, iv. 51, he makes an allusion to Jesus Christ).[123]
Claudius Galenus (Galen) (129–200 CE) may reference Christ and his followers; From Galen, De differentiis pulsuum (On the pulse), iii, 3. The work is listed in De libris propriis 5, and seems to belong between 176 and 192 CE, or possibly even 176–180: "One might more easily teach novelties to the followers of Moses and Christ than to the physicians and philosophers who cling fast to their schools".[124]
Tertullian (155–220) suggests in book 4 of his work, Against Marcion, the existence of Census records for a census taken during the time of Gaius Sentius Saturninus, which corroberates Jesus's birth during this time.[125] However these records have not resurfaced. Additionally, in Apologeticus, he refers to records from the Roman Archives which back up the account of the Crucifixion darkness from the bible. These records however, have not resurfaced.[126]
Abgar-Tiberius Correspondence: Ilaria Ramelli argues that the earliest documents to discuss Jesus are an exchange of letters between the Roman Emperor Tiberius and the king of OsroeneAbgar V discussing political developments in the region near Parthia.[127] The authenticity of the correspondence is disputed by many scholars.
There is a limestone burial box from the 1st century known as the James Ossuary with the Aramaic inscription, "James, son of Joseph, brother of Jesus." The authenticity of the inscription was challenged by the Israel Antiquities Authority, who filed a complaint with the Israeli police. In 2012, the owner of the ossuary was found not guilty, with the judge ruling that the authenticity of the ossuary inscription had not been proven either way.[128] It has been suggested it was a forgery.[129]
Christian sources
Various books, memoirs and stories were written about Jesus by the early Christians. The most famous are the gospels of Matthew, Mark, Luke and John. All but one of these are believed to have been written within 50–70 years of the death of Jesus, with the Gospel of Mark believed to be the earliest, and the last the Gospel of John.[130][131] According to critical scholars such as Bart Ehrman and Robert Eisenman the gospels were written by Christians decades after Jesus' death, by authors who had not witnessed any events in Jesus' life.[132][133] Ehrman elucidates that all four gospels present Jesus as man who was understood to be divine.[134] However, according to Maurice Casey, some of the Gospel sources are early Aramaic sources which indicate proximity with eyewitness testimony.[135] Furthermore, Ehrman observes that the surviving Gospels show usage of much earlier independent written and oral sources that extended back to the time of Jesus death around 29 or 30 CE, but did not survive; and that Luke's observation that many sources existed by his time is accurate.[136]
Blainey writes that the oldest surviving record written by an early Christian is a short letter by St Paul: the First Epistle to the Thessalonians, which appeared about 25 years after the death of Jesus.[137] Ehrman observes that Paul in his letters does document interactions with eyewitnesses of Jesus life such as the apostle Peter, James the brother of Jesus,[14][138] and John.[138] Paul was personally acquainted with them and the earliest meeting with Peter and James specifically occurred in 36 CE.[14]
Paul's letters (generally dated to circa 48–62 CE) are the earliest surviving sources on Jesus.[139][140][141] Paul was not a companion of Jesus.[142] However, Paul was a contemporary of Jesus and states that he personally knew and interacted with eyewitnesses of Jesus such as his most intimate disciples (Peter and John) and family members (his brother James) starting around 36 AD, and got some direct information from them.[14][143] In the context of Christian sources, even if all other texts are ignored, the Pauline epistles can provide some information regarding Jesus.[7][144] This information does not include all details found in the Gospels, but it does provide some significant details and refers to his existence as a person.[145] This information comes from those letters of Paul whose authenticity is not disputed.[144] From Paul's writings alone, a fairly full outline of the life of Jesus can found: his descent from Abraham and David, his upbringing in the Jewish Law, gathering together disciples, including Cephas (Peter) and John, having a brother named James, living an exemplary life, the Last Supper and betrayal, numerous details surrounding his death and resurrection (e.g. crucifixion, Jewish involvement in putting him to death, burial, resurrection, seen by Peter, James, the twelve and others) along with numerous quotations referring to notable teachings and events found in the Gospels.[146][147]
Of the thirteen letters that bear Paul's name, seven are considered authentic by almost all scholars, and the others are generally considered pseudepigraphic.[148][149][150][151] The 7 undisputed letters (and their approximate dates) are: Galatians (c. 48 CE), 1 Thessalonians (c. 49-51 CE), 1 Corinthians (c. 53–54 CE), 2 Corinthians (c. 55–56 CE), Romans (c. 55–57 CE), Philippians (c. 57–59 or 62 CE), Philemon (c. 57–59 or 62 CE).[148][150][151] The authenticity of these letters is accepted by almost all scholars, and they have been referenced and interpreted by early authors such as Origen and Eusebius.[149][152]
Given that the Pauline epistles are generally dated 50–60 CE, they are the earliest surviving Christian texts that include information about Jesus.[151] These letters were written approximately twenty to thirty years after the generally accepted time period for the death of Jesus, around 30–36 CE.[151] The letters were written during a time when Paul recorded encounters with eyewitnesses such as disciples of Jesus, e.g. Galatians 1:18 states that three years after his conversion Paul went to Jerusalem and stayed with Apostle Peter for fifteen days.[151] According to Buetz, during this time Paul disputed the nature of Jesus' message with Jesus' brother James, concerning the importance of adhering to kosher food restrictions and circumcision, important features of determining Jewish identity.[153][154] The New Testament narratives, however, do not give any details about what they discussed at that time; fourteen years after that meeting, Paul returned to Jerusalem to confirm that his teaching was orthodox, as part of the Council of Jerusalem.
The Pauline letters were not intended to provide a narrative of the life of Jesus, but were written as expositions of Christian teachings.[151][155] In Paul's view, the earthly life of Jesus was of lower importance than the theology of his death and resurrection, a theme that permeates Pauline writings.[156] However, the Pauline letters clearly indicate that for Paul, Jesus was a real person (born of a woman as in Gal 4.4), a Jew ("born under the law", Romans 1.3) who had disciples (1 Corinthians 15.5), who was crucified (as in 1 Corinthians 2.2 and Galatians 3.1) and later resurrected (1 Corinthians 15.20, Romans 1.4 and 6.5, Philippians 3:10–11).[7][144][151][156] The letters reflect the general concept within the early Gentillic Christian Church that Jesus existed, was crucified and later raised from the dead.[7][151]
The references by Paul establish the main outline of Jesus life indicative that the existence of Jesus was the accepted norm within the early Christians (including the Christian community in Jerusalem, given the references to collections there) within twenty years after the death of Jesus, at a time when those who could have been acquainted with him could still be alive.[157][158]
Specific references
The seven Pauline epistles that are widely regarded as authentic include the following information that along with other historical elements are used to study the historicity of Jesus:[7][144]
Existence of Jesus: That in Paul's view Jesus existed and was a Jew is based on Galatians 4:4 which states that he was "born of a woman" and Romans 1:3 that he was "born under the law".[7][144][159] Some scholars such as Paul Barnett hold that this indicates that Paul had some familiarity with the circumstances of the birth of Jesus, but that is not shared among scholars in general.[155][160] However, the statement does indicate that Paul had some knowledge of and interest in Jesus' life before his crucifixion.[155]
Disciples and brothers:
1 Corinthians 15:5 states that Paul knew that Jesus had 12 disciples, and considers Peter as one of them.[7][159][161]1 Corinthians 1:12 further indicates that Peter was known in Corinth before the writing of 1 Corinthians, for it assumes that they were familiar with Cephas/Peter.[162][163] The statement in 1 Corinthians 15:5 indicates that "the twelve" as a reference to the twelve apostles was a generally known notion within the early Christian Church in Corinth and required no further explanation from Paul.[164]Galatians 1:18 further states that Paul personally knew Peter and stayed with him in Jerusalem for fifteen days, about three years after his conversion.[165] It also implies that Peter was already known to the Galatians and required no introduction.[166]1 Corinthians 9:5 and Galatians 1:19 state that Jesus had brothers, one being called James, whom Paul met or "saw."[7][145][159] James was claimed by early Christian writers as Origen and Eusebius to have been the leader of the followers of Jesus, after his brother's death, and to have been the first bishop, or bishop of bishops in Jerusalem.
Betrayal and rituals: That Jesus was betrayed and established some traditions such as the Eucharist are derived from 1 Corinthians 11:23–25 which states: "The Lord Jesus in the night in which he was betrayed took bread; and when he had given thanks, he brake it, and said, This is my body, which is for you: this do in remembrance of me.".[7][159]
Crucifixion: The Pauline letters include several references to the crucifixion of Jesus e.g. 1 Corinthians 1:23, 1 Corinthians 2:2 and Galatians 3:1 among others.[7][159] The death of Jesus forms a central element of the Pauline letters.[156]1 Thessalonians 2:15 places the responsibility for the death of Jesus on some Jews.[7][159] Moreover, the statement in 1 Thessalonians 2:14–16 about the Jews "who both killed the Lord Jesus" and "drove out us" indicates that the death of Jesus was within the same time frame as the persecution of Paul.[167]
Burial: 1 Corinthians 15:4 and Romans 6:4 state that following his death Jesus was buried.[159] This reference is then used by Paul to build on the theology of resurrection, but reflects the common belief at the time that Jesus was buried after his death.[168][169]
The existence of only these references to Jesus in the Pauline epistles has given rise to criticism of them by G. A. Wells, who is generally accepted as a leader of the movement to deny the historicity of Jesus.[170][171] When Wells was still denying the existence of Jesus, he criticized the Pauline epistles for not mentioning items such as John the Baptist or Judas or the trial of Jesus and used that argument to conclude that Jesus was not a historical figure.[170][171][172]
James D. G. Dunn addressed Wells' statement and stated that he knew of no other scholar that shared that view, and most other scholars had other and more plausible explanations for the fact that Paul did not include a narrative of the life of Jesus in his letters, which were primarily written as religious documents rather than historical chronicles at a time when the life story of Jesus could have been well known within the early Church.[172] Dunn states that despite Wells' arguments, the theories of the non-existence of Jesus are a "thoroughly dead thesis".[156]
While Wells no longer denies the existence of Jesus, he has responded to Dunn, stating that his arguments from silence not only apply to Paul but all early Christian authors, and that he still has a low opinion of early Christian texts, maintaining that for Paul Jesus may have existed a good number of decades before.[170]
The Pauline letters sometimes refer to creeds, or confessions of faith, that predate their writings.[173][174][175] For instance 1 Corinthians 15:3–4 reads: "For what I received I passed on to you as of first importance: that Christ died for our sins according to the Scriptures, that he was buried, that he was raised on the third day according to the Scriptures."[173]Romans 1:3–4 refers to Romans 1:2 just before it which mentions an existing gospel, and in effect may be treating it as an earlier creed.[173][174]
Whether then [it be] I or they, so we preach, and so ye believed.
Here Paul refers to others before him who preached the creed.[175] James Dunn states that 1 Corinthians 15:3 indicates that in the 30s Paul was taught about the death of Jesus a few years earlier.[176]
The Pauline letters thus contain Christian creed elements of pre-Pauline origin.[177] The antiquity of the creed has been located by many biblical scholars to less than a decade after Jesus' death, originating from the Jerusalem apostolic community.[178] Concerning this creed, Campenhausen wrote, "This account meets all the demands of historical reliability that could possibly be made of such a text,"[179] whilst A. M. Hunter said, "The passage therefore preserves uniquely early and verifiable testimony. It meets every reasonable demand of historical reliability."[180]
These creeds date to within a few years of Jesus' death, and developed within the Christian community in Jerusalem.[181] Although embedded within the texts of the New Testament, these creeds are a distinct source for Early Christianity.[174] This indicates that existence and death of Jesus was part of Christian belief a few years after his death and over a decade before the writing of the Pauline epistles.[181]
P52, a papyrus fragment from a codex (c. 90–160), one of the earliest known New Testament manuscripts
The four canonical gospels, Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John, are the main sources for the biography of Jesus' life, the teachings and actions attributed to him.[182][183][184] Three of these (Matthew, Mark, and Luke) are known as the synoptic Gospels, from the Greek σύν (syn "together") and ὄψις (opsis "view"), given that they display a high degree of similarity in content, narrative arrangement, language and paragraph structure.[185][186] The presentation in the fourth canonical gospel, i.e. John, differs from these three in that it has more of a thematic nature rather than a narrative format.[187] Scholars generally agree that it is impossible to find any direct literary relationship between the synoptic gospels and the Gospel of John.[187]
The authors of the New Testament generally showed little interest in an absolute chronology of Jesus or in synchronizing the episodes of his life with the secular history of the age.[188] The gospels were primarily written as theological documents in the context of early Christianity with the chronological timelines as a secondary consideration.[189] One manifestation of the gospels being theological documents rather than historical chronicles is that they devote about one third of their text to just seven days, namely the last week of the life of Jesus in Jerusalem.[190] Although the gospels do not provide enough details to satisfy the demands of modern historians regarding exact dates, scholars have used them to reconstruct a number of portraits of Jesus.[188][189][191] However, as stated in John 21:25 the gospels do not claim to provide an exhaustive list of the events in the life of Jesus.[192]
Scholars have varying degrees of certainty about the historical reliability of the accounts in the gospels, and the only two events whose historicity is the subject of almost universal agreement among scholars are the baptism and crucifixion of Jesus.[3] Scholars such as E.P. Sanders and separately Craig A. Evans go further and assume that two other events in the gospels are historically certain, namely that Jesus called disciples, and caused a controversy at the Temple.[9]
Ever since the Augustinian hypothesis, scholars continue to debate the order in which the gospels were written, and how they may have influenced each other, and several hypotheses exist in that regard, e.g. the Markan priority hypothesis holds that the Gospel of Mark was written first c. 70 CE.[193][194] In this approach, Matthew is placed at being sometime after this date and Luke is thought to have been written between 70 and 100 CE.[195] However, according to the competing, and more popular, Q source hypothesis, the gospels were not independently written, but were derived from a common source called Q.[196][197] The two-source hypothesis then proposes that the authors of Matthew and Luke drew on the Gospel of Mark as well as on Q.[198]
The gospels can be seen as having three separate lines: A literary line which looks at it from a textual perspective, secondly a historical line which observes how Christianity started as a renewal movement within Judaism and eventually separated from it, and finally a theological line which analyzes Christian teachings.[199] Within the historical perspective, the gospels are not simply used to establish the existence of Jesus as sources in their own right alone, but their content is compared and contrasted to non-Christian sources, and the historical context, to draw conclusions about the historicity of Jesus.[7][23][200]
The works of Papias have not survived, but Eusebius quotes him as saying:[201]
"...if by chance anyone who had been in attendance on the elders should come my way, I inquired about the words of the elders—that is, what according to the elders Andrew or Peter said, or Philip, or Thomas or James, or John or Matthew or any other of the Lord’s disciples, and whatever Aristion and the elder John, the Lord’s disciples, were saying."
Richard Bauckham states that while Papias was collecting his information (c. 90), Aristion and the elder John (who were Jesus' disciples) were still alive and teaching in Asia minor, and Papias gathered information from people who had known them.[201] However, the exact identity of the "elder John" is wound up in the debate on the authorship of the Gospel of John, and scholars have differing opinions on that, e.g. Jack Finegan states that Eusebius may have misunderstood what Papias wrote, and the elder John may be a different person from the author of the fourth gospel, yet still a disciple of Jesus.[203]Gary Burge, on the other hand sees confusion on the part of Eusebius and holds the elder John to be different person from the apostle John.[204]
The letter of Quadratus (possibly the first Christian apologist) to emperor Hadrian (who reigned 117–138) is likely to have an early date and is reported by Eusebius in his Ecclesiastical History 4.3.2 to have stated:[205]
"The words of our Savior were always present, for they were true: those who were healed, those who rose from the dead, those who were not only seen in the act of being healed or raised, but were also always present, not merely when the Savior was living on earth, but also for a considerable time after his departure, so that some of them survived even to our own times."[206]
By "our Savior" Quadratus means Jesus and the letter is most likely written before 124 CE.[202] Bauckham states that by "our times" he may refer to his early life, rather than when he wrote (117–124), which would be a reference contemporary with Papias.[207] Bauckham states that the importance of the statement attributed to Quadratus is that he emphasizes the "eye witness" nature of the testimonies to interaction with Jesus.[206] Such "eye witness statements" abound in early Christian writings, particularly the pseudonymous Christian Apocrypha, Gospels and Letters, in order to give them credibility.
A number of later Christian texts, usually dating to the second century or later, exist as New Testament apocrypha, among which the gnostic gospels have been of major recent interest among scholars.[208] The 1945 discovery of the Nag Hammadi library created a significant amount of scholarly interest and many modern scholars have since studied the gnostic gospels and written about them.[209] However, the trend among the 21st century scholars has been to accept that while the gnostic gospels may shed light on the progression of early Christian beliefs, they offer very little to contribute to the study of the historicity of Jesus, in that they are rather late writings, usually consisting of sayings (rather than narrative, similar to the hypothesised Q documents), their authenticity and authorship remain questionable, and various parts of them rely on components of the New Testament.[209][210] The focus of modern research into the historical Jesus has been away from gnostic writings and towards the comparison of Jewish, Greco-Roman and canonical Christian sources.[209][210]
As an example, Bart Ehrman states that gnostic writings of the Gospel of Thomas (part of the Nag Hammadi library) have very little value in historical Jesus research, because the author of that gospel placed no importance on the physical experiences of Jesus (e.g. his crucifixion) or the physical existence of believers, and was only interested in the secret teachings of Jesus rather than any physical events.[210] Similarly, the Apocryphon of John (also part of the Nag Hammadi library) has been useful in studying the prevailing attitudes in the second century, and questions of authorship regarding the Book of revelation, given that it refers to Revelation 1:19, but is mostly about the post ascension teachings of Jesus in a vision, not a narrative of his life.[211] Some scholars such as Edward Arnal contend that the Gospel of Thomas continues to remain useful for understanding how the teachings of Jesus were transmitted among early Christians, and sheds light on the development of early Christianity.[212]
There is overlap between the sayings of Jesus in the apocryphal texts and canonical Christian writings, and those not present in the canonical texts are called agrapha. There are at least 225 agrapha but most scholars who have studied them have drawn negative conclusions about the authenticity of most of them and see little value in using them for historical Jesus research.[213] Robert Van Voorst states that the vast majority of the agrapha are certainly inauthentic.[213] Scholars differ on the number of authentic agrapha, some estimating as low as seven as authentic, others as high as 18 among the more than 200, rendering them of little value altogether.[213] While research on apocryphal texts continues, the general scholarly opinion holds that they have little to offer to the study of the historicity of Jesus given that they are often of uncertain origin, and almost always later documents of lower value.[208]
^ abDunn, James D. G. (2003). Jesus Remembered. Wm. B. Eerdmans. p. 339. ISBN978-0-8028-3931-2. States that baptism and crucifixion are "two facts in the life of Jesus command almost universal assent".
^Herzog, William R. (1998). Prophet and Teacher: An Introduction to the Historical Jesus. Westminster John Knox Press. pp. 1–6. ISBN978-0664225285.
^Crossan, John Dominic (1995). Jesus: A Revolutionary Biography. HarperOne. p. 145. ISBN978-0-06-061662-5. That he was crucified is as sure as anything historical can ever be, since both Josephus and Tacitus...agree with the Christian accounts on at least that basic fact.
^Evans, Craig A. (2001). Jesus and His Contemporaries: Comparative Studies. BRILL. pp. 2–5. ISBN978-0391041189.
^Chilton, Bruce; Evans, Craig A. (1998). Studying the Historical Jesus: Evaluations of the State of Current Research. BRILL. pp. 460–470. ISBN978-9004111424.
^ abDark, Ken (2023). Archaeology of Jesus' Nazareth. Oxford University Press. pp. 150–152. ISBN978-0192865397.
^ abcdEhrman, Bart D. (2012). Did Jesus Exist? : The Historical Argument for Jesus of Nazareth. New York: HarperOne. pp. 145–146. ISBN9780062206442. In about the year 36, Paul went to Jerusalem to confer with Peter (Galatians 1:18–20). Paul spent fifteen days there. He may not have gone only or even principally to get a rundown on what Jesus said and did during his public ministry. It is plausible, in fact, that Paul wanted to strategize with Peter, as the leader (or one of the leaders) among the Jerusalem Christians, about Paul's own missionary activities, not among the Jews (Peter's concern) but among the Gentiles (Paul's). This was the reason stated for Paul's second visit to see Peter and the others fourteen years later, according to Galatians 2:1–10. But it defies belief that Paul would have spent over two weeks with Jesus's closest companion and not learned something about him—for example, that he lived. Even more telling is the much-noted fact that Paul claims that he met with, and therefore personally knew, Jesus's own brother James. It is true that Paul calls him the "brother of the Lord," not "the brother of Jesus." But that means very little since Paul typically calls Jesus the Lord and rarely uses the name Jesus (without adding "Christ" or other titles). And so in the letter to the Galatians Paul states as clearly as possible that he knew Jesus's brother. Can we get any closer to an eyewitness report than this? The fact that Paul knew Jesus's closest disciple and his own brother throws a real monkey wrench into the mythicist view that Jesus never lived.
^Jesus and the Gospels: An Introduction and Survey by Craig L. Blomberg 2009 Baker Academic ISBN0805444823 pp. 441-442
^Eddy, Paul; Boyd, Gregory (2007). The Jesus Legend: A Case for the Historical Reliability of the Synoptic Jesus Tradition. ISBN0-8010-3114-1 pp. 202, 209-228
^Davies, W. D.; Sanders, E.P. (2008). "20. Jesus: From the Jewish Point of View". In Horbury, William; Davies, W.D.; Sturdy, John (eds.). The Cambridge History of Judaism. Volume 3: The Early Roman period. Cambridge Univiversity Press. p. 621. ISBN9780521243773.
^ abcdFeldman, Louis H.; Hata, Gōhei, eds. (1987). Josephus, Judaism and Christianity BRILL. ISBN978-90-04-08554-1. pp. 54–57
^ abMaier, Paul L. (December 1995). Josephus, the essential works: a condensation of Jewish antiquities and The Jewish war. Kregel Academic. ISBN978-0-8254-3260-6 pp. 284–285
^Maier, Paul L. (December 1995). Josephus, the essential works: a condensation of Jewish antiquities and The Jewish war. Kregel Academic. ISBN978-0-8254-3260-6 p. 12
^ abcKostenberger, Andreas J.; Kellum, L. Scott; Quarles, Charles L. (2009). The Cradle, the Cross, and the Crown: An Introduction to the New TestamentISBN0-8054-4365-7 pp. 104–105
^Bart Ehrman, Jesus Interrupted, p. 159, Harper Collins
^ abcEddy, Paul; Boyd, Gregory (2007). The Jesus Legend: A Case for the Historical Reliability of the Synoptic Jesus Tradition. ISBN0-8010-3114-1 pp. 128–130
^ abEddy, Paul; Boyd, Gregory (2007). The Jesus Legend: A Case for the Historical Reliability of the Synoptic Jesus Tradition. ISBN0-8010-3114-1 pp. 129–130
^Painter, John (2005). Just James: The Brother of Jesus in History and Tradition. ISBN0-567-04191-3 p. 137
^Feldman, Louis H.; Hata, Gōhei. Josephus, Judaism and Christianity. Brill. ISBN90-04-08554-8. p. 56
^Louis Feldman (ISBN90-04-08554-8 pp. 55–57) states that the authenticity of the Josephus passage on James has been "almost universally acknowledged".
^Van Voorst, Robert E. (2000). Jesus Outside the New Testament: An Introduction to the Ancient Evidence. Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co.. ISBN0-8028-4368-9 p. 83
^Richard Bauckham "For What Offense Was James Put to Death?" in James the Just and Christian origins by Bruce Chilton, Craig A. Evans 1999 ISBN90-04-11550-1 pp. 199–203
^Painter, John (2005). Just James: The Brother of Jesus in History and Tradition. ISBN0-567-04191-3 pp. 134–141
^Sample quotes from previous references: Van Voorst (ISBN0-8028-4368-9 p. 83) states that the overwhelming majority of scholars consider both the reference to "the brother of Jesus called Christ" and the entire passage that includes it as authentic." Bauckham (ISBN90-04-11550-1 pp. 199–203) states: "the vast majority have considered it to be authentic". Meir (ISBN978-0-8254-3260-6 pp. 108–109) agrees with Feldman that few have questioned the authenticity of the James passage. Setzer (ISBN0-8006-2680-X pp. 108–109) also states that few have questioned its authenticity.
^Flavius Josephus; Whiston, William; Maier, Paul L. (May 1999). The New Complete Works of Josephus. Kregel Academic. ISBN0-8254-2948-X p. 662
^ abcSchreckenberg, Heinz; Schubert, Kurt (1992a). Jewish Traditions in Early Christian Literature. 2. ISBN90-232-2653-4 pp. 38–41
^Evans, Craig A. (2001). Jesus and His Contemporaries: Comparative StudiesISBN0-391-04118-5 p. 316
^Wansbrough, Henry (2004). Jesus and the oral Gospel tradition. ISBN0-567-04090-9 p. 185
^Wilhelm Schneemelcher, Robert McLachlan Wilson, New Testament Apocrypha: Gospels and Related Writings, p. 490 (James Clarke & Co. Ltd, 2003). ISBN0-664-22721-X
^Feldman, Louis H. (1984). "Flavius Josephus Revisited: The Man, his Writings and his Significance". In Temporini, Hildegard; Haase, Wolfgang. Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt, Part 2. pp. 763–771. ISBN3-11-009522-X p. 826
^ abPainter, John (2005). Just James: The Brother of Jesus in History and Tradition. ISBN0-567-04191-3 pp. 143–145
^Eisenman, Robert (2002), "James the Brother of Jesus: the key to unlocking the secrets of Early Christianity and the Dead Sea Scrolls" (Watkins)
^Jesus as a figure in history: how modern historians view the man from Galilee by Mark Allan Powell 1998 ISBN0-664-25703-8 p. 33
^An introduction to the New Testament and the origins of Christianity by Delbert Royce Burkett 2002 ISBN0-521-00720-8 p. 485
^The Cradle, the Cross, and the Crown: An Introduction to the New Testament by Andreas J. Köstenberger, L. Scott Kellum 2009 ISBN978-0-8054-4365-3 p. 109–110
^Eddy, Paul; Boyd, Gregory (2007). The Jesus Legend: A Case for the Historical Reliability of the Synoptic Jesus Tradition Baker Academic, ISBN0-8010-3114-1 p. 127
^F.F. Bruce,Jesus and Christian Origins Outside the New Testament, (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1974) p. 23
^ abcWilliams, Margaret H. (2023). Early Classical Authors on Jesus. T&T Clark. pp. 67–74. ISBN9780567683151.
^Jones, Christopher P. "The Historicity of the Neronian Persecution: A Response to Brent Shaw." New Testament Studies 63.1 (2017): 146-152.
^Carrier, Richard (2014) "The Prospect of a Christian Interpolation in Tacitus, Annals 15.44" Vigiliae Christianae, Volume 68, Issue 3, pp. 264–283 (an earlier and more detailed version appears in Carrier's Hitler Homer Bible Christ)
^Carrier, Richard (2014) On the Historicity of Jesus Sheffield Phoenix Press ISBN978-1-909697-49-2 p. 344
^Van Voorst, Robert E. (2011). Handbook for the Study of the Historical Jesus. Brill Academic Pub. p. 2159. ISBN978-9004163720.
^ abcdefghThe Cradle, the Cross, and the Crown: An Introduction to the New Testament by Andreas J. Köstenberger, L. Scott Kellum 2009 ISBN978-0-8054-4365-3 p. 110
^ abcdEvidence of Greek Philosophical Concepts in the Writings of Ephrem the Syrian by Ute Possekel 1999 ISBN90-429-0759-2 pp. 29–30
^ abcdStudying the Historical Jesus: Evaluations of the State of Current Research edited by Bruce Chilton, Craig A. Evans 1998 ISBN90-04-11142-5 pp. 455–457
^ abcdJesus outside the New Testament: an introduction to the ancient evidence by Robert E. Van Voorst 2000 ISBN0-8028-4368-9 pp. 53–55
^Jesus and His Contemporaries: Comparative Studies by Craig A. Evans 2001 ISBN978-0-391-04118-9 p. 41
^Eddy, Paul; Boyd, Gregory (2007). The Jesus Legend: A Case for the Historical Reliability of the Synoptic Jesus Tradition. ISBN0-8010-3114-1 p. 166
^The Historical Jesus of the Gospels by Craig S. Keener 2012 ISBN0802868886 p. 66
^Menahem Stern, 1980, Jerusalem, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism Vol.2, p.116
^ abcJesus and the Gospels: An Introduction and Survey by Craig L. Blomberg (1 Aug 2009) ISBN0805444823 p. 280
^ abcdKostenberger, Andreas J.; Kellum, L. Scott; Quarles, Charles L. (2009). The Cradle, the Cross, and the Crown: An Introduction to the New TestamentISBN0-8054-4365-7. pp. 107–109
^ abEddy, Paul; Boyd, Gregory (2007). The Jesus Legend: A Case for the Historical Reliability of the Synoptic Jesus TraditionISBN0-8010-3114-1 pp. 170–174
^Theissen, Gerd, Annette Merz, The historical Jesus: a comprehensive guide, Fortress Press, 1998 pp. 72–76
^The Blackwell Companion to Jesus by Delbert Burkett 2010 ISBN140519362X p. 220
^Van Voorst, Robert E. (2000). Jesus Outside the New Testament: An Introduction to the Ancient Evidence Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co.. ISBN0-8028-4368-9 pp. 129–130
^Einsenman, Robert (2002), "James; the Brother of Jesus" (Watkins)
^In Jesus: The Complete Guide edited by J. L. Houlden (2006) ISBN082648011X pp. 693–694
^Van Voorst, Robert E. (2000). Jesus Outside the New Testament: An Introduction to the Ancient Evidence Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co.. ISBN0-8028-4368-9 p. 177–118
^In The Cambridge Companion to Jesus by Markus N. A. Bockmuehl 2001 ISBN0521796784 p. 123
^Jesus in the Talmud by Peter Schäfer (2009) ISBN0691143188 pp. 141
^Jesus: Apocalyptic Prophet of the New Millennium by Bart Ehrman 2001 ISBN019512474X p. 63
^Jesus as a Figure in History: How Modern Historians View the Man from Galilee by Mark Allan Powell (1998) ISBN0664257038 p. 34
^ abJesus and the Politics of his Day by E. Bammel and C. F. D. Moule (1985) ISBN0521313449 p. 393
^The Beginnings of Christianity by Howard Clark Kee (2005) ISBN0567027414 p. 71
^R. T. France The Evidence for Jesus 2006 ISBN1573833703 p. 39
^Jesus Christ in History and Scripture by Edgar V. McKnight 1999 ISBN0865546770 pp. 29–30
^Jesus, by Ch. Gugnebert, Translated from the French by S. H. Hooke, University Book, New York, 1956, p. 14
^ abcdefEddy, Paul; Boyd, Gregory (2007). The Jesus Legend: A Case for the Historical Reliability of the Synoptic Jesus Tradition. ISBN0-8010-3114-1 pp. 122–126
^Julius Africanus, Extant Writings XVIII in Ante-Nicene Fathers, ed. A. Roberts and J. Donaldson (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1973) vol. VI, p. 130
^Van Voorst, Robert E. (2000). Jesus Outside the New Testament : An Introduction to the Ancient Evidence. Grand Rapids, Mich.: W.B. Eerdmans Pub. pp. 20–21. ISBN0802843689. This fragment of Thallos used by Julius Africanus comes in a section in which Julius deals with the portents during the crucifixion of Jesus. Julius argues that Thallos was "wrong" (αλογως) to argue that this was only a solar eclipse, because at full moon a solar eclipse is impossible, and the Passover always falls at full moon. Julius counters that the eclipse was miraculous, "a darkness induced by God." Thallos could have mentioned the eclipse with no reference to Jesus. But it is more likely that Julius, who had access to the context of this quotation in Thallos and who (to judge from other fragments) was generally a careful user of his sources, was correct in reading it as a hostile reference to Jesus' death.
^A. J. Levine, D. C. Allison & J. D. Crossan, The Historical Jesus in Context, Volume 12, Princeton University Press, 2006. p 405 Google Link
^ abVan Voorst, Robert E. (2000). Jesus Outside the New Testament: An Introduction to the Ancient Evidence. Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co.. ISBN0-8028-4368-9 pp. 65–68
^Jesus and the Gospels: An Introduction and Survey by Craig L. Blomberg 2009 ISBN0805444823 pp. 53–54
^Van Voorst, Robert E (2000). Jesus Outside the New Testament: An Introduction to the Ancient Evidence. Eerdmans Publishing. ISBN0-8028-4368-9 pp. 75–78
^ abRobert E. Van Voorst, Jesus outside the New Testament, Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing, 2000. pp 58–64
^Ayalon, A., Bar-Matthews, M., & Goren, Y. (2004). "Authenticity examination of the inscription on the ossuary attributed to James, brother of Jesus". Journal of Archaeological Science. 31 (8): 1185–1189. Bibcode:2004JArSc..31.1185A. doi:10.1016/j.jas.2004.03.001.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
^Geoffrey Blainey; A Short History of Christianity; Viking; 2011; pp. xix–xx, 46–47
^Mack, Burton L. (1996)"Who Wrote the New Testament: the making of a Christian Myth"(Harper One)
^Ehrman, Bart D. (2010), "Jesus, Interrupted: Revealing the Hidden Contradictions in the Bible (And Why We Don't Know About Them)" (Harper One 1 Reprint edition (2 February 2010)). pp. 143–144
^Einsenman, Robert (2002), "james, the Brother of Jesus: The Key to Unlocking the Secrets of Early Christianity and the Dead Sea Scrolls" (Watkins)
^Jesus of Nazareth: An independent historian's account of his life and teaching by Maurice Casey, 2010 pp. 63-64 "It also provides evidence that Mark is an unrevised literal translation of an Aramaic source, and this at a point where there is every reason to believe that the story is literally true. This means that our oldest source is sometimes perfectly accurate, because parts of it were originally written by people who were in close touch with the events of the historic ministry. This is only one short step away from eyewitness testimony."
^Ehrman, Bart D. (2012). Did Jesus Exist? : The Historical Argument for Jesus of Nazareth. New York: HarperOne. pp. 83–85. ISBN9780062206442. All of these written sources I have mentioned are earlier than the surviving Gospels; they all corroborate many of the key things said of Jesus in the Gospels; and most important they are all independent of one another. Let me stress the latter point. We cannot think of the early Christian Gospels as going back to a solitary source that "invented" the idea that there was a man Jesus. The view that Jesus existed is found in multiple independent sources that must have been circulating throughout various regions of the Roman Empire in the decades before the Gospels that survive were produced. Where would the solitary source that "invented" Jesus be? Within a couple of decades of the traditional date of his death, we have numerous accounts of his life found in a broad geographical span. In addition to Mark, we have Q, M (which is possibly made of multiple sources), L (also possibly multiple sources), two or more passion narratives, a signs source, two discourse sources, the kernel (or original) Gospel behind the Gospel of Thomas, and possibly others. And these are just the ones we know about, that we can reasonably infer from the scant literary remains that survive from the early years of the Christian church. No one knows how many there actually were. Luke says there were "many" of them, and he may well have been right. And once again, this is not the end of the story." (page 83) and "The reality appears to be that there were stories being told about Jesus for a very long time not just before our surviving Gospels but even before their sources had been produced. If scholars are right that Q and the core of the Gospel of Thomas, to pick just two examples, do date from the 50s, and that they were based on oral traditions that had already been in circulation for a long time, how far back do these traditions go? Anyone who thinks that Jesus existed has no problem answering the question: they ultimately go back to things Jesus said and did while he was engaged in his public ministry, say, around the year 29 or 30. But even anyone who just wonders if Jesus existed has to assume that there were stories being told about him in the 30s and 40s. For one thing, as we will see in the next chapter, how else would someone like Paul have known to persecute the Christians, if Christians didn't exist? And how could they exist if they didn't know anything about Jesus?" (page 85)
^Geoffrey Blainey; A Short History of Christianity; Viking; 2011; pp. 46–47
^Byrskog, Samuel (2011). "The Historicity of Jesus: How do we know that Jesus existed?". Handbook for the Study of the Historical Jesus (Volume 3). Brill. p. 2189. ISBN978-9004163720.
^From Jesus to Christianity, San Francisco: HarperCollins, 2004 p. 4
^Evans, Craig (2016). "Mythicism and the Public Jesus of History". Christian Research Journal. 39 (5).
^ abcdeJesus Christ in History and Scripture by Edgar V. McKnight 1999 ISBN0865546770 p. 38
^ abVictor Furnish in Paul and Jesus edited by Alexander J. M. Wedderburn 2004 (Academic Paperback) ISBN0567083969 pp. 43–44
^Jesus and the Gospels: An Introduction and Survey by Craig L. Blomberg 2009 ISBN0805444823 pp. 441-442
^The Jesus legend: a case for the historical reliability of the synoptic gospels by Paul R. Eddy, et al 2007 ISBN0-8010-3114-1 pp. 209-228
^ abEerdmans Commentary on the Bible by James D. G. Dunn (19 Nov 2003) ISBN0802837115 p. 1274 "There is general scholarly agreement that seven of the thirteen letters bearing Paul's name are authentic, but his authorship of the other six cannot be taken for granted... Romans, 1 and 2 Corinthians, Galatians, Philippians, 1 Thessalonians and Philomen are certainly Paul's own."
^ abThe Blackwell Companion to The New Testament by David E. Aune ISBN1405108258 p. 9 "... seven of the letters attributed to Paul are almost universally accepted as authentic (Romans, 1 and 2 Corinthians, Galatians, Philippians, 1 Thessalonians, Philomen)..."
^ abPheme Perkins, Reading the New Testament: An Introduction (Paulist Press, 1988), ISBN0809129396 pp. 4–7.
^ abcdefghEdward Adams "Paul, Jesus and Christ" in The Blackwell Companion to Jesus edited by Delbert Burkett 2010 ISBN140519362X pp. 94–96
^Peter Gorday in Eusebius, Christianity, and Judaism by Harold W. Attridge 1992 ISBN0814323618 pp. 139–141
^ abcJesus Remembered: Christianity in the Making by James D. G. Dunn (2003) ISBN0802839312 p. 143
^ abcdJames D. G. Dunn "Paul's understanding of the death of Jesus" in Sacrifice and Redemption edited by S. W. Sykes (2007) Cambridge University Press ISBN052104460X pp. 35–36
^Jesus and the Gospels: An Introduction and Survey by Craig L. Blomberg 2009 ISBN0805444823 pp. 441–442
^Encyclopedia of Theology: A Concise Sacramentum Mundi by Karl Rahner 2004 ISBN0860120066 p. 31
^ abcdefgJesus according to Paul by Victor Paul Furnish 1994 ISBN0521458242 pp. 19–20
^Jesus & the Rise of Early Christianity: A History of New Testament Times by Paul Barnett 2002 ISBN0830826998 pp. 95–96
^Paul and Scripture by Steve Moyise (1 Jul 2010) ISBN080103924X p. 5
^Paul, Antioch and Jerusalem by Nicholas Taylor 1991 ISBN1850753318 p. 177
^The Tapestry of Early Christian Discourse by Vernon K. Robbins (1996) ISBN0415139988 pp. 74–75
^Jesus Remembered: Christianity in the Making by James D. G. Dunn (2003) ISBN0802839312 p. 507
^Apostle Paul: His Life and Theology by Udo Schnelle (1 Nov 2005) ISBN0801027969 pp. 329–330
^ abcCan We Trust the New Testament? by George Albert Wells 2003 ISBN0812695674 p. 49–50
^ abJesus of Nazareth: An independent historian's account of his life and teaching by Maurice Casey pp. 39–40
^ abThe Evidence for Jesus by James D. G. Dunn (1986) ISBN0664246982 p. 29
^ abcPaul's Letter to the Romans by Colin G. Kruse (2012) ISBN0802837433 pp. 41–42
^ abcThe Blackwell Companion to The New Testament edited by David E. Aune 2010 ISBN1405108258 p. 424
^ abcWorship in the Early Church by Ralph P. Martin 1975 ISBN0802816134 pp. 57–58
^Jesus Remembered: Christianity in the Making, Volume 1 by James D. G. Dunn (2003) ISBN0802839312 pp. 142–143
^Neufeld, The Earliest Christian Confessions (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1964) p. 47
Reginald H. Fuller, The Formation of the Resurrection Narratives (New York: Macmillan, 1971) p. 10
Wolfhart Pannenberg, Jesus – God and Man translated Lewis Wilkins and Duane Pribe (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1968) p. 90
Oscar Cullmann, The Earlychurch: Studies in Early Christian History and Theology, ed. A. J. B. Higgins (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1966) p. 64
Hans Conzelmann, 1 Corinthians, translated James W. Leitch (Philadelphia: Fortress 1969) p. 251
Bultmann, Theology of the New Testament vol. 1 pp. 45, 80–82, 293
R. E. Brown, The Virginal Conception and Bodily Resurrection of Jesus (New York: Paulist Press, 1973) pp. 81, 92
^see Wolfhart Pannenberg, Jesus – God and Man translated Lewis Wilkins and Duane Pribe (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1968)p. 90; Oscar Cullmann, The Early church: Studies in Early Christian History and Theology, ed. A. J. B. Higgins (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1966) p. 66–66; R. E. Brown, The Virginal Conception and Bodily Resurrection of Jesus (New York: Paulist Press, 1973) pp. 81; Thomas Sheehan, First Coming: How the Kingdom of God Became Christianity New York: Random House, 1986 pp. 110, 118; Ulrich Wilckens, Resurrection translated A. M. Stewart (Edinburgh: Saint Andrew, 1977) p. 2; Hans Grass, Ostergeschen und Osterberichte, Second Edition (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1962) p. 96; Grass favors the origin in Damascus.
^Hans von Campenhausen, "The Events of Easter and the Empty Tomb," in Tradition and Life in the Church (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1968) p. 44
^Archibald Hunter, Works and Words of Jesus (1973) p. 100
^ abCreeds of the Churches, Third Edition by John H. Leith (1982) ISBN0804205264 p. 12
^Jesus and the Gospels: An Introduction and Survey by Craig L. Blomberg 2009 ISBN0-8054-4482-3 pp. 441–442
^The encyclopedia of Christianity, Volume 4 by Erwin Fahlbusch, 2005 ISBN978-0-8028-2416-5 pp. 52–56
^The Bible Knowledge Background Commentary by Craig A. Evans 2003 ISBN0-7814-3868-3 pp. 465–477
^Harris, Stephen L., Understanding the Bible. Palo Alto: Mayfield. 1985. "The Gospels" pp. 266–268
^The International Standard Bible Encyclopedia: Q–Z by Geoffrey W. Bromiley (1995) ISBN0802837840 pp. 1–3
^The New Testament: History, Literature, Religion by Gerd Theissen 2003 ISBN p. 31
^Three Views on the Origins of the Synoptic Gospels by Robert L. Thomas 2002 ISBN0825438381 p. 35
^The New Testament: History, Literature, Religion by Gerd Theissen 2003 ISBN p. x
^Van Voorst, Robert E. (2000). Jesus Outside the New Testament: An Introduction to the Ancient Evidence. Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co. ISBN0-8028-4368-9 p. 7
^ abcRichard Bauckham Jesus and the Eyewitnesses (Eerdmans, 2006), ISBN0802831621 pp. 15–21.
^ abThe Early Christian Church: Volume 2, The Second Christian Century by Philip Carrington (2011) ISBN0521157382 pp. 22–23
^The archeology of the New Testament by Jack Finegan (1981) ISBN0709910061 pp. 42–43
^Eusebius: The Church History by Eusebius and Paul L. Maier (2007) ISBN082543307X p. 119
^ abRichard Bauckham, Jesus and the Eyewitnesses (Cambridge: Eerdmans, 2006), pp. 53–54
^Richard Bauckham, Jesus and the Eyewitnesses (Cambridge: Eerdmans, 2006), p. 531.
^ abVan Voorst, Robert E (2000). Jesus Outside the New Testament: An Introduction to the Ancient Evidence. Eerdmans Publishing. ISBN0-8028-4368-9 pp. 215–217
^ abcThe Historical Jesus of the Gospels by Craig S. Keener 2012 ISBN0802868886 pp. 52–54
^ abcJesus: Apocalyptic Prophet of the New Millennium by Bart D. Ehrman 2001 ISBN019512474X pp. 72–78
^The Symbolic Jesus by William Edward Arnal 2005 ISBN1845530071 pp. 60–70
^ abcVan Voorst, Robert E (2000). Jesus Outside the New Testament: An Introduction to the Ancient Evidence. Eerdmans Publishing. ISBN0-8028-4368-9 p. 183
Daniel Boyarin (2004). Border Lines. The Partition of Judaeo-Christianity. University of Pennsylvania Press.
Doherty, Earl (1999). The Jesus Puzzle. Did Christianity Begin with a Mythical Christ? : Challenging the Existence of an Historical Jesus. ISBN0-9686014-0-5
Drews, Arthur & Burns, C. Deslisle (1998). The Christ Myth (Westminster College–Oxford Classics in the Study of Religion). ISBN1-57392-190-4
Ellegård, AlvarJesus – One Hundred Years Before Christ: A Study in Creative Mythology, (London 1999).
France, R.T. (2001). The Evidence for Jesus. Hodder & Stoughton.
Freke, Timothy & Gandy, Peter. The Jesus Mysteries – was the original Jesus a pagan god?ISBN0-7225-3677-1
George, Augustin & Grelot, Pierre (Eds.) (1992). Introducción Crítica al Nuevo Testamento. Herder. ISBN84-254-1277-3
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