The Sacking of Dinant
Part of the Rape of Belgium in World War I
Devastated Dinant (top) and as it was a month before the war (bottom)
Sack of Dinant (Belgium)
Native name	Sac de Dinant
Location	Dinant, Namur Province, Wallonia, Belgium
Coordinates	50°15′40″N 4°54′43″E / 50.26111°N 4.91194°E / 50.26111; 4.91194
Date	21–28 August 1914
Target	Belgian civilians
Attack type	War crime, massacre
Deaths	674
Perpetrators	Imperial German Army Max von Hausen
Motive	Presumed presence of francs-tireurs

The Sack of Dinant^{[nb 1]} or Dinant massacre^{[nb 2]} refers to the mass execution of civilians, looting and sacking of Dinant, Neffe and Bouvignes-sur-Meuse in Belgium, perpetrated by German troops during the Battle of Dinant against the French in World War I. Convinced that the civilian population was hiding francs-tireurs, the German General Staff issued orders to execute the population and set fire to their houses.

On August 23, 1914, German troops carried out a brutal attack that led to the deaths of approximately 674 men, women, and children. The violence continued for several days, resulting in the destruction of about two-thirds of Dinant's buildings. Prior to this, the civilian population had been disarmed on August 6 and had been instructed not to resist the invading forces.

Belgium vehemently protested the massacre, and the global community was outraged, referring to the incident along with other atrocities during the German invasion as the "Rape of Belgium". Denied for many years, it was only in 2001 that the German government issued an official apology to both Belgium and the victims' descendants.

The topography of the region significantly influenced the outcome of the Dinant massacre. The town, primarily situated on the right bank of the Meuse River, is bordered by the river on one side and a rocky outcrop with a citadel, known as the "Montagne," on the other. Dinant extends approximately four kilometers from north to south. The narrower sections of the town, where the road and towpath are only a few meters wide, contrast with the broader areas, which measure up to three hundred meters. The main bridge across the Meuse connected the left-bank area of Saint-Médard with the station district on the right bank. In 1914, a pedestrian bridge linked the municipalities of Bouvignes-sur-Meuse (left bank) and Devant-Bouvignes (right bank). To the north of the town were the Abbaye Notre-Dame de Leffe [fr] neighborhood and Leffe faubourg. To the south, the Rivages and Saint-Nicolas neighborhoods extended from Froidvau [fr]. On the left bank, opposite the Bayard rock, was the village of Neffe. The town had limited access roads, which affected the German troops' ability to navigate and control the area during the attack.^[1][2][3][4]

On August 4, 1914, implementing the Schlieffen plan, the German army invaded Belgium shortly after issuing an ultimatum to the Belgian government [fr], requesting permission for German troops to pass through Belgian territory. King Albert and his government refused to compromise Belgium's neutrality and territorial integrity.^[5]

In August 1914, Dinant had a population of 7,890.^[6][7] On August 6, 1914, Burgomaster Arthur Defoin ordered the residents of Dinant to deposit their weapons and ammunition at the town hall. This measure was also implemented in Bouvignes-sur-Meuse.^{[nb 3][8][9]} The mayor stated:^[10]

Inhabitants are formally warned that civilians may not engage in any attacks or violence by firearms or other weapons against enemy troops. Such attacks are prohibited by the just gentium and would expose their perpetrators, and perhaps even the town, to the most serious consequences. Dinant, August 6, 1914, A. Defoin.

On the morning of August 6, 1914, a company of thirty carabinieri-cyclists^[11] from the 1er régiment de chasseurs à pied [fr] arrived in Dinant. In the afternoon, the first German reconnaissance patrol made a quick incursion into town. Two uhlans advanced into rue Saint-Jacques, prompting the Garde Civique to open fire, though no hits were reported. A carabinieri-cyclist fired his rifle, wounding a German soldier and his horse in the arm. The cyclist fled on foot but was quickly apprehended, while the wounded German was treated by Dr. Remy. In the evening, the vanguard of the French 5th Army, the 148th régiment d'infanterie [fr], took up positions to defend the bridges at Bouvignes-sur-Meuse and Dinant. On August 7, the carabinieri-cyclists were recalled to Namur. Over the following days, skirmishes occurred between the French and German forces, with a hussar being killed on August 11. The Germans subsequently ceased their scouting missions and employed their air force to assess the troop deployments.^[12]

Two cavalry divisions, commanded by Lieutenant-General von Richtoffen, formed the vanguard of the 3rd German Army. These divisions consisted of the Guards Cavalry Division and the 5th Division, supported by 4-5 battalions of chasseurs à pied, along with two groups of artillery and machine guns. The infantry component, numbering over 5,000 men, was tasked with crossing the Meuse River between Houx (Belgium) [fr], Dinant, and Anseremme.^[7]

At 6 a.m. on August 15, the Germans commenced bombing both banks of the Meuse. The bombardment first targeted the civil hospital, despite its prominent red cross. The Château de Bouvignes, repurposed as a field hospital for wounded French soldiers, was similarly destroyed.^[13] The fighting intensified as the German forces captured the citadel overlooking the town and attempted to cross the Meuse. They were close to succeeding when the French Deligny division, newly authorized to intervene, used its 75 mm guns to silence the German artillery and help repel the assault.^[14]

The Germans eventually withdrew from Dinant, leaving behind approximately three thousand dead, wounded, prisoners, or missing. When the people of Dinant saw the French flag replacing the German colors atop the citadel, they sang "La Marseillaise".^[15] In the citadel, the French discovered that wounded French soldiers had been brutally killed; one corporal of the 148th was found hanging by his belt from a shrub, with his genitals mutilated. Over the following week, enemy troops reorganized. General Lanrezac and his forces advanced to Entre-Sambre-et-Meuse [fr], while von Hausen's troops positioned themselves along the front between Namur and Givet.^[16][17]

Since the Franco-Prussian War of 1870, the concept of "francs-tireurs" has been a significant concern among German soldiers and their leaders. Manuals on military strategy, such as Kriegsgebrauch im Landkriege, published in 1902, even advised officers and troops to adopt severe measures against "francs-tireurs."^[18] This belief heavily influenced the perception and actions of Saxon troops during August 1914. When patrols went missing or the source of gunfire was unclear, "francs-tireurs" were often blamed.^[19][20][21] Officers sometimes propagated rumors, occasionally driven by a desire to incite hostility and aggression among their forces.^[22][23]

Moreover, the presence of the Civic Guard during the early stages of the invasion reinforced the German perception of it as an armed civilian militia. Established during the Belgian Revolution of 1830, the Civic Guard is composed of middle-class citizens tasked with protecting the territorial integrity of Belgium. On August 6, a community ordinance disarmed the civilian population of Dinant; however, the Civic Guard, which remained mobilized until the morning of August 15, was not disarmed until August 18.^[24]

The crushing defeat on August 15, which resulted in 3,000 soldiers being wounded, coupled with the playing of "La Marseillaise" after the town was liberated, exacerbated the animosity of the occupying German forces towards the local population.^[25] As a consequence, "eight days later, the enemy avenged themselves cruelly on the residents of Dinant."^[26]

From August 21 onwards, German troops grappled with the trauma of this perceived defiance. Alcohol, looted from homes, was heavily consumed as a means to sustain morale,^[27][28] leading to increased disorder and chaos throughout the subsequent week.^[29]

The city of Dinant, situated at the bottom of a steep, narrow valley, presented challenges in identifying the source of the gunfire and tracking projectiles that ricocheted off its rocky terrain.^[30][31] French troops positioned on the elevated terrain of the left bank fired whenever they found an advantageous angle. The disordered fighting and smoke from fires often led to German soldiers being inadvertently shot by their comrades.^[32] These conditions reinforced the German soldiers' belief that they were being targeted by enemy francs-tireurs.^[33][28] This distorted perception of reality, exacerbated by the stress of battle, led to what Arie Nicolaas Jan den Hollander terms "war psychosis", driving the soldiers to engage in violent reprisals.^[34][35]

On August 21, certain German officers enunciated their intentions unambiguously. A captain informed the parish priest of Lisogne [fr], "Tomorrow, Dinant will be burned and killed! We have lost too many men!"^[36][37]

During the night of August 21 to 22, the civilian population of Dinant experienced their first skirmishes. A German reconnaissance patrol, joined by a number of unruly soldiers, raided Rue Saint-Jacques.^[38] This operation involved a diverse battalion, including members of the 2nd Battalion of the No. 108 Rifle Regiment and the 1st Company of the No. 12 Pioneer Battalion. The patrol advanced^{[nb 4]} from the elevated area on the right bank and reached as far as the Meuse. The German forces killed seven civilians and used incendiary explosives devices to destroy approximately twenty houses, resulting in the deaths of five more people.^[39][40] The Germans described this as a "reconnaissance in force" operation, while Maurice Tschoffen [fr] characterized it as "the escapade of a group of drunken soldiers."^[39] According to the war diary of one of the battalions involved, the raid was ordered at the brigade level with the intent to capture Dinant, expel its defenders, and cause maximum destruction.^[39] After the war, Soldier Rasch recounted an incident where, upon reaching Rue Saint-Jacques one night, the soldiers, seeing a lit café, threw a hand grenade inside, leading to a fusillade.^{[nb 5]} This act exacerbated the panic, with gunfire appearing to come from all directions, including from residential homes. Rasch’s company lost eight soldiers, and his captain was severely injured. In total, the raid resulted in the deaths of 19 German soldiers and injuries to 117 others. Contributing factors to the high German casualties included the use of torches by German troops, which made them easy targets for French soldiers, and the possibility that, in the chaos, German soldiers may have accidentally fired on their comrades. This incident further entrenched the myth of the francs-tireurs.^[41]

The initial disturbances prompted many residents to flee from the right bank for safety. They were required to present passes issued by local authorities to cross to the left bank. Due to the barricading of the Dinant and Bouvignes bridges, some families escaped via tourist barges.^[42] Approximately 2,500 individuals from Dinant managed to find refuge behind French lines.^[43] However, by noon on August 22, the French authorities prohibited further crossings to avoid disrupting troop movements.^[42] The French 5th Army’s First Corps was replaced by the 51st Reserve Infantry Division [fr] and the 273rd Infantry Regiment (France) [fr]. A small group from the British Expeditionary Force was also in the area.^[44] The 51st Reserve Infantry Division thus faced three German army corps across a front extending over thirty kilometers. At Dinant, the 273rd Infantry Regiment confronted the XIIth Army Corps (1st Saxon Corps) of the entire Saxon Army. Given the impracticality of a French assault, the French forces focused on obstructing the German XII Corps' crossing of the Meuse. Consequently, in the mid-afternoon,^[45] the French detonated the Bouvignes-sur-Meuse bridge while preserving the Dinant bridge. They entrenched themselves on the left bank, abandoning their efforts to maintain a presence on the right bank while preparing for the approaching German forces.^[16][42][46]

On August 23, 1914, the XIIth Army Corps (1st Saxon Corps) entered Dinant via four separate routes.^[47] To the north, the 32nd Division advanced through the sector between Houx and the Faubourg de Leffe. The 178th Regiment of the 64th Brigade moved through the Fonds de Leffe. As they progressed, German forces killed all civilians in their path. Thirteen men were shot at Pré Capelle by six men from the 103rd Saxon Regiment, and seventy-one were murdered near the "paper mill." Paul Zschocke, a non-commissioned officer in the 103rd Infantry Regiment, reported being ordered by his company commander to search for "francs-tireurs" and "shoot anyone found".^[45] Houses were systematically searched, and civilians were either executed or taken to the Prémontrés Abbey. At ten o'clock in the morning, the abbey's religious, unaware of the impending danger, gathered the 43 men present at the request of the German officers. They were subsequently shot in Place de l'Abbaye.^{[nb 6][45]} The monks were held hostage under the pretext that they had fired on German troops. Major Fränzel, who spoke French, demanded a ransom of 60,000 Belgian francs, which was later reduced to 15,000 Belgian francs after consultation with his superiors.^[48][49][50]

That evening, 108 civilians^[51] who had been hiding in the cellars of the large Leffe fabric factory decided to surrender. The factory director, Remy Himmer [fr], who was also the vice-consul of the Argentine Republic, along with his relatives and some workers, was immediately arrested. Women and children were sent to the Prémontrés convent. Despite protests from Lieutenant-Colonel Blegen,^[52] Remy Himmer and 30 men were executed in Place de l'Abbaye, which was still strewn with the morning’s victims. Later that evening, the Grande Manufacture was set on fire.^[49] The massacre continued throughout the night in the Abbey district: houses were looted and burned, and male civilians were shot. By the time the Germans left Leffe, only a dozen men remained alive. The 32nd Division then constructed a boat bridge opposite the Pâtis de Leffe and crossed the Meuse.^[16][51][53]

Regiments No. 108 and No. 182 of the 46th Brigade, along with the 12th and 48th Artillery Regiments, advanced down Rue Saint-Jacques. By 6:30 a.m., their vanguard had reached the slaughterhouse, which was soon set ablaze. Finding fewer civilians in the dwellings, the German forces set fire to the entire district. All male civilians who had remained in the area were executed without exception. In the afternoon, a platoon from the 108th Infantry Regiment^[54] discovered around one hundred civilians seeking refuge in the Nicaise brewery. The women and children were sent to the Leffe Abbey, while the thirty men were taken to Rue des Tanneries. There, they were lined up along the Mur Laurent and executed. Three of the men managed to escape under the cover of dusk.^[16][53][54]

During the conflict, looted furniture from nearby houses was used by members of the 182nd Infantry Regiment to construct a barricade. Despite being unarmed, a young man suspected of being a sniper was captured, bound, and used as a human shield. As their troops were firing upon them, the unit shot and killed the hostage before retreating.^[54]

The German 100th Regiment descended from Montagne de la Croix and launched an assault on the Saint-Nicolas district. The area was systematically ravaged from eight in the morning until eight in the evening.^{[nb 7][55]} Maurice Tschoffen, a witness to the events, described how soldiers marched in two lines alongside the houses, with those on the right monitoring the left, both with their fingers on the triggers, prepared to fire at any moment. Groups of soldiers formed in front of each doorway, stopping to fire at the houses, focusing particularly on the windows. Numerous bombs were thrown into the cellars. Two men were fatally shot on their doorstep.^[56] Similar to the events on Rue Saint-Jacques, civilians were used as human shields in Place d'Armes, with some being struck by French bullets fired from across the river. Taking advantage of the chaos, the German forces crossed the square and advanced towards the Rivages area. They set houses on fire and gathered civilians at the Bouille house, later dispersing them among various buildings, including the café, forge, and stables. As the fires spread, they directed them towards the prison.^[56] Eventually, men and women were separated at the base of Croix Mountain. Despite being asked to leave, the women and children stayed behind, waiting for news of their husbands, brothers, and sons. Some men were imprisoned, while 137 others were arranged in four rows along Maurice Tschoffen's garden wall. Colonel Bernhard Kielmannsegg of the 100th Infantry Regiment issued the order for execution. Following this, two rounds of gunfire and machine-gun fire were directed at the bodies from the Frankinet garden's terrace.^[57][58] While approximately 30 men pretended to be dead, 109 were killed. Most of the wounded individuals escaped from the pile of corpses during the night, and five of them were later apprehended and executed.^{[16][53][54][59][60]} Major von Loeben, who led one of the two execution teams (the other led by Lieutenant von Ehrenthal), testified to a German inquiry commission, stating, "I presume that these were the men who had engaged in hostile activities against our troops".^[61]

To the south of Dinant, the German 101st Regiment arrived that afternoon via the Froidvau road and constructed a boat bridge upstream from Bayard Rock.^[62] Several civilians were taken hostage, including a group from Neffe who were forced to cross the river on boats. Around 5 p.m., the Germans faced intense gunfire from the left bank despite advancing 40 meters along the Meuse.^[63] Claiming that the French were firing upon them, the Germans executed 89 hostages against the wall of the Bourdon garden. This incident resulted in the deaths of 76 individuals, including 38 women and seven children, the youngest being three-week-old Madeleine Fivet. Following this, the 101st Regiment crossed the Meuse to Neffe. A group of 55 civilians had sought refuge in a small aqueduct beneath the railroad line. Under the command of Karl Adolf von Zeschau, the regiment attacked with rifles and grenades, resulting in the deaths of 23 civilians and injuries to 12 others.^[16][53]

The Dinant bridge was destroyed by the French around 6 p.m. on August 23 as they retreated along the Philippeville road. German brutality continued in the following days before eventually diminishing. Civilians who emerged from hiding too soon often faced execution. In the aftermath, civilians were forced to bury the numerous bodies scattered across the pavements and plazas of Dinant and its surroundings.^[16][53]

Earlier, at the prison, the Germans separated the women and children from the men. The men, aware of their impending fate, received absolution from a priest. Confusion arose when gunfire near the Tschoffen wall led some prisoners and their jailers to believe that the French were attempting to retake the town. However, the execution did not take place, and the prisoners were eventually moved to Bayard Rock. The women and children were forced to march to Dréhance [fr] and Anseremme. The 416 men, under Captain Hammerstein's command, awaited deportation to Germany.^[16][53] They were directed to Marche and then transferred to Melreux (Belgium) [fr] station. The men were divided into groups of 40 and transported in cattle cars to Kassel prison in Germany.^[64]

The prisoners' journey was severely hampered by the brutality inflicted by German troops and the local populations they encountered.^[65] Some individuals were executed without trial after experiencing severe mental distress. The conditions of imprisonment were extremely harsh, leading to the deaths of some prisoners who had been seriously injured during the Dinant events and subsequently deported. Prison regulations prohibited family members from sharing the same cell. Furthermore, four inmates were required to share cells measuring only 9 m², with no straw mattresses provided.^[66] During the first eight days, prisoners were not permitted any outdoor excursions. The schedule was later adjusted to allow one outing per week, which was eventually increased to three. Maurice Tschoffen, the King's Public Prosecutor in Belgium [fr], reported that the prison governor informed him that the military authorities in Berlin were convinced that no shots had been fired in Dinant. The source of this assertion is unclear. Tschoffen noted that there appeared to be no justification for their arrest, though the reasons for their eventual release remained uncertain.^[67] In a subsequent discussion in Belgium, General von Longchamps shared his findings on the Dinant events, stating, "From my investigation, it appears that no civilians fired at Dinant; however, there might have been some French soldiers disguised as civilians who fired. Additionally, in combat training, individuals can sometimes exceed the limits of their training."^[67]

Thirty-three clergymen were apprehended at the regimental school in Dinant and were later imprisoned in Marche for one month.^[64]

During the sack, 750 buildings were burnt down or demolished, with two-thirds of the buildings destroyed.^[68]

• 
  The collegiate church and the destroyed bridge
• 
  The City Hall
• 
  The City Hall and Post Office from the left bank
• 
  Rue Grande
• 
  The Saint-Pierre district
• 
  Saint-Pierre church
• 
  Place Patenier
• 
  The ruins of Belle-vue College
• 
  Dinant was in ruins in March 1915, with only the roads cleared.

The Third German Army was under the command of Saxon Max von Hausen and was organized into three corps. The XII Corps (1st Saxon Corps), commanded by Karl Ludwig d'Elsa, was assigned the task of capturing Dinant and crossing the Meuse at that location. The XII Corps was further subdivided into two divisions: the 32nd Infantry Division, commanded by Lieutenant-General Horst Edler von der Planitz [fr; de], and the 23rd Infantry Division, led by Karl von Lindeman.^[69][70]

Max von Hausen, a veteran of the Franco-Prussian War of 1870, advised the civilian population to refrain from taking up arms against German troops. As a result, the directive at all levels of command was to "treat civilians with the utmost rigor."^[70]

The German General Staff began receiving reports of snipers in the east as the 3rd Army assembled. The civilian population, allegedly incited by a biased press, the clergy, and the government, was purportedly acting on prearranged instructions. In response, it was deemed essential to address the situation with the utmost seriousness and implement stringent measures without delay.^[71]

The belief in the "franc-tireurs myth" led the Germans to take severe actions against the civilian population. During the Battle of Dinant, certain battalions and regiments were ordered to engage in acts of intimidation against civilians. This directive was part of the broader strategy in the conflict with the French.^[72]

This situation was evident with Infantry Regiment No. 178, commanded by Colonel Kurt von Reyher, who was under the overall command of Brigade Commander General Major Morgenstern-Döring. The troops were instructed to use forceful measures and act ruthlessly without regard for the perceived rebellious civilians.^[73][74] Major Kock of the 2nd Battalion was directed by von Reyher to "purge the houses." Captain Wilke, who commanded the 6th and later the 9th company, led several operations aimed at intimidating the civilian population, particularly in the Fonds de Leffe and at the abbey.^[70][75]

According to the 23rd Infantry Division’s reports, the executions, looting, and burning in Les Rivages, St. Nicolas district, and Neffe, south of the city, were primarily carried out by the 101st Saxon Grenadier Regiment, led by Colonel Meister, and the 100th Infantry Regiment, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Kilmannsegg, under the coordination of Staff Warrant Officer Karl Adolf von Zeschau. Major Schlick, commanding the 3rd and 4th companies of Regiment No. 101, was notably active in these operations.^[76][77]

After the sacking of Leffe, the 178th Infantry Regiment crossed the Meuse following the withdrawal of French troops and arrived in Bouvignes-sur-Meuse, where it committed numerous violent acts resulting in the deaths of 31 individuals.^[78] The German Third Army, having been delayed for one week, continued its advance, leaving behind a country devastated by looting, arson, and civilian executions. The Germans faced both the French forces and the perceived threat of francs-tireurs.^[79]

In February 1915, the first issue of the clandestine La Libre Belgique asserted: "There is something more robust than the Germans; it is the truth."^[80]

During the siege of Dinant, 674 civilians lost their lives, including 92 women, 18 individuals over the age of 60, and 16 individuals under the age of 15.^{[nb 8]} Among the 577 male victims, 76 were over the age of 60 and 22 were under the age of 15. The oldest victim was 88 years old, and 14 children were under the age of 5, with the youngest being only 3 weeks old.^[81]

A list of the victims' names was quickly circulated through an obituary. The first edition, published in 1915 by Dom Norbert Nieuwland, listed 606 names.^[82] The occupying military authorities required the population to provide copies of this obituary under threat of severe punishment.^[83]

In 1922, Nieuwland and Schmitz recorded 674 victims, including 5 who were missing.^[84] By 1928, Nieuwland and Tschoffen confirmed the same number of victims and missing persons.^[85] Finally, just before the centennial, Michel Coleau and Michel Kellner revised the obituary and identified a total of 674 victims and three unidentified individuals.^[86]

Just a few days after the events that affected Dinant, local residents undertook the task of documenting their personal accounts to reconstruct the events as they unfolded. Among these accounts, three depositions from the Bishopric of Namur and the Abbey of Maredsous are noteworthy. The witnesses provide evidence that:^[87]

The whole family was gathered at my parents' house, which backed onto the rock behind the homes of Joseph Rondelet and the widow Camille Thomas, on rue Saint-Pierre. My father, who worked in Mianoye (Assesse), was absent. On Sunday, August 23, at around 4 p.m., when we saw Germans settling into the Café Rondelet, whose owners had fled the day before, and drinking themselves into a stupor, we fled into the mountains. My mother, who had stood in front of us with 4-year-old Marcel in her arms, raised the hand that was still free. Nevertheless, the soldiers fired on us: a first bullet broke Marcel's arm, a second hit my mother in the wrist and a third blew her brains out. Other bullets hit my sisters Adèle and Éloïse, who fall. While Léon, Aline and Paul fled to one side, I managed to hide in a rock, where I remained until Monday evening. Then the Germans discovered me and, along with others, took me to the Premonstratensians, where I found those of my family still alive. Little René, my sister Éloïse's son, had been taken in by Mme Barzin and Mme Coupienne by order of the Germans. Arthur Bietlot, who buried our dead, declares that little Marcel's corpse was literally in pieces. Constantin Demuyter was buried with ours, but I don't know how he got there. Eugène Mathieu's corpse was also found in our garden, but a little higher up.

— Albine Bovy, Rapport no 431

Early in the morning of August 23, the cannon sounded and we thought we were witnessing a battle similar to that of the 15th . Taking advantage of a slight lull, at around 10 a.m., my father and I opened the front door to get a better idea of what was going on in the street. We quickly closed it, spotting German soldiers at the barracks, who had raised their rifles at the sight of us, and went underground. Some time later, we hear the sound of windows being broken and doors being kicked in. Soon we could clearly hear the blows of an axe shaking ours. My parents decided to open the door, and were already in the corridor, when the door gave way under the blows of these energetic men who burst into the house, shouting like demons, and unloading their weapons at point-blank range. My father, hit in the chest, staggered back a few steps, clung to his cutting table and fell: he was dead. My mother, hit in the shoulder, cries out in pain and takes refuge in the cellar, while my grandmother, trying to help her mortally wounded son, is herself hit by a bullet in the back of the neck that sends her sprawling to the ground. A fourth shot hit my grandfather, seated in an armchair, killing him. Seeing me, the bandits unload their weapons on me, but the bullets whistle past my ears without hitting me. The soldiers, convinced that they had spared no one, withdrew, and soon all around me was dead silence.^[88]

— Maurice Lion, Rapport no 426

No sooner had we arrived in front of the Bourdon wall than we were fired upon; I fell. Alexandre Bourdon was on top of me. Around 9 p.m., I tried to get up; they immediately fired in my direction, but as I was below Bourdon, it was he who was hit. I could then see what was going on around me. I heard a baby crying and asking for a drink - it was little Gilda Marchot, aged 2. A German immediately approached, put the barrel of his rifle in the child's mouth and fired! Disgusted, I turned to the other side and saw a soldier carrying something at the end of his bayonet; I recognized the body of my little niece, Mariette Fivet, who was three weeks old. After playing with this child's corpse, the soldier laid it on the ground and put his foot on its stomach to remove his bayonet... The next day, I buried the bodies of my brother, my sister-in-law and little Mariette, 22 days old. I found that the baby's cloths were all torn in the stomach and filled with blood.^[89]

— Camille Fivet, Rapport no 475

Thomas-Louis Heylen, the Bishop of Namur, informed Pope Benedict XV of the situation, leading to widespread outrage among the global population. In response, a group of 93 German intellectuals issued the "Manifesto of the 93," a document attempting to absolve their army. On May 10, 1915, the German Empire Foreign Office released a White Book aimed at demonstrating that "the German troops, unfortunate in their circumstances, were subjected to brutal and unprovoked attacks from a fanatic population" in Dinant.^[90]

In reply, the Cooreman government published its Grey Book of 1916, which asserted: "He is twice guilty who, after violating the rights of others, attempts to justify himself with audacity by attributing false faults to his victim."^[91] The Anglo-Saxon press condemned the events, referring to them as "The Rape of Belgium," a term that has since become associated with the atrocities committed against Belgian civilians in August and September 1914.^[92]

For his part, the Bishop of Namur responds to the Germans following the publication of their White Book:

We are only waiting for the moment when the impartial historian can come to Dinant, see for himself what happened there, and interview the survivors. There are enough of them left to reconstruct all the facts in their truth and sincerity. Then it will become clear that there has never been a time when the innocence of the victims has been more clearly demonstrated, and the guilt of the perpetrators more obvious. Events will resolve themselves in the unleashing, within an army, of a cruelty as useless as it is inexplicable. Then the universe, which has already judged with extreme and just rigor the massacre of nearly seven hundred civilians and the destruction of an ancient city, with its monuments, archives and industries, will appreciate with even greater severity this new procedure which, to clear itself of a deserved accusation, stops at nothing and transforms unjustly sacrificed victims into assassins.^[93]

At the Treaty of Versailles, Germany was compelled by the Allies to conduct a set of trials for purported German war criminals known as the Leipzig Trials, which occurred in 1921. In February 1920, the Allied extradition list had 853 names^[86] of chiefs of the former German regime accused of committing heinous acts against civilians, wounded or prisoners of war. Out of the 853, only 43 names were registered with the German Reichsgericht. France called for the trial of 11 individuals, Belgium for 15, Great Britain for 5, and Italy, Poland, Romania, and Yugoslavia for 12.^[94] However, these instructions did not pertain to the Dinant massacre.

The concept of trying a nation’s citizens for war crimes was unprecedented. Despite this, the Leipzig Trials were largely deemed unsatisfactory by the Allies, as German courts often absolved the defendants or found mitigating circumstances. The sentences issued were considered lenient or symbolic compared to the gravity of the crimes.^[94]

In connection with the atrocities committed by the 3rd German Army, France and Belgium indicted seven generals. On May 9, 1925, a court martial in Dinant sentenced German officers, found guilty in absentia of sacking the town. However, by the end of 1925, the Leipzig court rejected all these judgments and took no further action.^[95]

Among the seven generals was Colonel Johann Meister [fr; de], who commanded the 101st Grenadier Regiment [fr; de]. He was acquitted due to insufficient evidence. This decision was influenced by the German investigations conducted in 1915 and 1920, which supported the arguments presented in the White Book regarding the francs-tireurs. Additionally, while the court acknowledged the occurrence of hostage executions, it found no evidence that they were carried out unlawfully.^[95]

On August 23, 1919, Paul Deschanel, the president of the French Chamber of Deputies, honored the victims of Dinant. Jean Schmitz and Norbert Nieuwland utilize this speech to demonstrate Dinant's distinctiveness among other Belgian and French towns that were martyred:^[96]

"Dinant is one of the stations on the bloody road by which humanity has risen, in pain, to justice". These were the words of Paul Deschanel, then President of the French Chamber, as he stood over the ruins of the town and the graves of its victims on August 23, 1919, the anniversary of the Sack of Dinant. And he was right. Of all the martyred towns on the Western Front - and God knows there were many in both France and Belgium - no one would deny Dinant first place. Dinant has paid a high enough price for this dismal honor, moreover, for it not to be haggled over; For it is not only a past of glory and prosperity that it has seen wiped out in the space of a few hours, it is not only historical memories and works of art that it has seen destroyed by the incendiary torch - other towns have suffered materially more than the Mosan city, but they are already coming back to life - no, what places the town of Dinant at the top of the long list of martyred cities is its obituary. It mourns nearly seven hundred of its children who are no longer with us and who, innocent victims, were cowardly murdered by the enemy without any prior judgment having been passed, without any proof of guilt having been formulated against them.^[96]

On August 20, 1922, a commemorative monument was unveiled at "La Papeterie" (Ravet sawmill) to honor 68 individuals who were executed at this location. The monument, which remains visible today, stands as a testament to the tragedy that occurred there, despite having been destroyed in 1940.^[97]

Additionally, two bronze plaques were inaugurated by the Compagnie des Bronzes de Bruxelles on that same day at the former fabric factory site to honor its director, Remy Himmer, and his 147 employees. Lost for some time, the objects were discovered in a public dump in Anseremme in 1956 and kept in the Fonds de Leffe until 2005, when they were finally returned to their original place.^[97]

On August 23, 1923, a neo-classical monument was erected in Neffe which, unfortunately, was damaged by the Germans in 1940. The monument commemorates the 81 victims, including 23 individuals killed at the aqueduct and the Neffe citizens executed at the "Bourdon Wall."^[97]

On August 23, 1927, the "Altar of the Fatherland" was unveiled in the courtyard of the town hall in the presence of the Crown Prince of Belgium. This monument was created by Brussels sculptor Frans Huygelen [fr], and it represents an allegory of the victorious Fatherland in several bronze groups.^[97] The occasion was also marked with the inauguration of commemorative steles in different parts of the city, including the "Tschoffen Wall". This impressive bronze relief is 1.4 meters tall and 3.5 meters long and was crafted by the same artist. The blue stone base bears the inscription: "Pieux hommage du souvenir dinantais aux 674 victimes innocentes de la furie teutonne dont 116 trouvèrent la mort ici, le 23 août 1914" (A sincere tribute of Dinant memory to the innocent victims of German savagery, 116 of whom died here on August 23, 1914).^[97] In 1927, a commemorative monument was also erected at the "Mur Bourdon" site. The sculpture, depicting a firing squad holding women and children at gunpoint, has since been lost. The Sacré-Coeur, inaugurated on October 5, 1930, pays homage to the 83 individuals, seven of whom were children aged between three weeks and two years, who perished at the site.^[97]

Erected in Leffe on Place de l'Abbaye at "À la cliche de bois", this structure replaced an earlier memorial built around 1920. Notably, the former Servais house bears a commemorative plaque sculpted by Frans Huygelen portraying a bust of Christ on the cross as a tribute to the 243 Leffe victims.^[97]

On August 23, 1936, a monument honoring the 23,700 Belgian civilian victims of August and September 1914, which included the 674 victims of the sack of Dinant, was unveiled at the Place d'Armes (Furore Teutonico). The monument was created by sculptor Pierre de Soete^[97] and features a central hand with two fingers reaching upwards as a sign of promise. The central stele repeats the Dinant oath, commemorating the victims.

Before God and before Men, on our honor and conscience, without hatred and without anger, penetrated by the importance of the oath we are about to take, we all swear that we did not, in August 1914, know, see or know of anything that could have constituted an act of illegitimate violence against the troops of the invader.

The Germans destroyed it in May 1940 during World War II.^[98]

On August 23, 2014, a new memorial with a complete list of the victims was inaugurated on the banks of the Meuse to mark the centenary of the massacre in the presence of the King and the authorities.

• Some Dinant memorials
• 
  Memorial to the 674 victims (Tschoffen wall)
• 
  The national monument to the civilian victims of 1914-1918, destroyed in 1940
• 
  The Dinant oath

On May 6, 2001, the German government, led by Secretary of State for Defense Walter Kolbow, issued an official apology 87 years after the events in question for the atrocities committed against the Dinant population in 1914.^[99]

[...] And that's why I'm here today. I would like to ask you all to forgive the injustices that Germans once committed in this country. I ask this because I believe that such a request is more necessary than ever, precisely at a time when the process of European unification is intensifying, a Europe in which our two countries are jointly pursuing a policy aimed at preventing the recurrence of such crimes and suffering.^[100]

The local authorities stated that granting forgiveness in the name of the deceased was not within their purview, but they appreciated the effort to reconcile and move forward, particularly for the benefit of younger generations. Following this, a symbolic act was carried out by young Belgians and Germans who raised the German flag on the Dinant bridge, which had previously been the only flag missing among the display of other European flags.^[68]

Written accounts of the Dinant massacres were collected during the winter of 1914, with the initial goal of documenting testimonies and compiling an accurate list of victims. Joseph Chot, who had met Philippe Pétain in August 1914,^[101] sought eyewitness accounts throughout the Namur region.^[102] Dom Norbert Nieuwland of Maredsous Abbey published the first obituary, which listed 606 names. This text was republished multiple times, including by foreign press, leading to its prohibition by the German military command.^[83]

The press, predominantly British but also including that of neutral nations, disseminated firsthand accounts from civilians and informative pamphlets that condemned the actions of the German Heer. The German army was accused of violating the agreements established by Germany under the Hague Convention of 1907. Occasionally, the desire for emphasis led some journalists to extend their assertions, as noted by Edouard Gérard:^[103]

People of letters more concerned, it seems, with 'monetizing our disaster' - the expression is not mine - than with contributing to "bringing the truth to light", have already published high fantasy accounts. This is an insult to the memory of our martyrs.

Belgium is frequently perceived as a victim by both British and American commentators, who often refer to the tragic events as the "rape of Belgium."^[92] It is notable that some Americans may be unaware of the United States' humanitarian involvement during this period.^[104]

In response to the criticism, 93 German intellectuals issued a "manifesto to civilized nations" in an attempt to exonerate their army from any wrongdoing.^[90]

The German White Book, published in February 1915, claimed that imperial troops encountered francs-tireurs who were allegedly organized, armed, and trained by thehe Belgian government. According to the White Book, these francs-tireurs, comprising both men and women, and even children, conducted numerous covert attacks on German troops, leading to substantial losses. The document asserted that such attacks necessitated a violent response. In reaction to the allegations presented in the German White Book, Mgr. Thomas-Louis Heylen, the Bishop of Namur, released a Protestation contre les accusations du Livre Blanc allemand in October 1915. Further opposition to the White Book came from Belgium, which published its own Grey Book in May 1916.^[105]

Cardinal Mercier had earlier called for the collection of accurate and objective information regarding the atrocities committed by the Germans, independent of the State's efforts in producing the Grey Book.

Following this call, Mgr. Thomas-Louis Heylen appointed his secretary, Canon Jean Schmitz, to gather testimonies and documents to provide a detailed account of the suffering endured by Belgium due to what he termed the Germans' "monument of hypocrisy and lies."^[105] Leveraging his position within the bishopric, Canon Schmitz enlisted the support of all 719 parishes in the diocese. He quickly recognized the complexity of producing a well-organized and impartial report and collaborated with the vicar-general to collect evidence, documentation, and photographic records of the perpetrators' actions.^[106] The initial report was forwarded to Military Governor Moritz von Bissing, as well as representatives of neutral countries and Pope Benedict XV, on October 31, 1915.^[106]

Cardinal Mercier initially appointed Dom Norbert Nieuwland from Maredsous Abbey to undertake a task related to documenting the atrocities, unaware that a similar task had already been assigned to Canon Jean Schmitz. In November 1918, they collaborated, merging their extensive documentation of over 2,000 testimonies collected throughout the four-year war to ensure the objectivity of their sources.^[107]

This collaboration resulted in the publication of seven volumes of "Documents pour servir à l'histoire de l'invasion allemande dans les provinces de Namur et de Luxembourg" between 1919 and 1924. Volume IV, which is divided into two parts, specifically addresses the Battle of Dinant. The first part, detailing the conquest of the Meuse, was released in June 1921, while the second part, focusing on the sacking of the town, was published in April 1922.^[108]

The archives of Jean Schmitz are held at the bishopric of Namur, while Dom Norbert Nieuwland's archives are stored at Maredsous Abbey. The documentation has been accessible to researchers from an early stage. Jean Schmitz's archives consist of 41 boxes that have been classified and indexed by an archivist.^{[nb 9]} In contrast, Dom Norbert Nieuwland’s archives are contained in a single box related to the 1914-1918 period. These documents were hastily buried in a metal box during World War II and were found to be largely degraded by the war's end. In 1938, a portion of Jean Schmitz’s documents was transferred to the State Archives in Namur [fr] and cataloged in 1991.^{[nb 10]} This collection encompasses 4.54 linear meters of records, mainly organized into thematic files. Unfortunately, the method employed by Jean Schmitz—fragmenting and thematically organizing the original documents—has made reconstructing the initial parish reports a challenging task.^[109]

Schmitz and Nieuwland's work, already praised in the 1920s, continues to be highly esteemed by contemporary historians studying the subject. According to John Horne and Alan Kramer, the documentation remains exceptional.^[110]

In the 1920s, Dinant saw the unveiling of several memorials dedicated to the victims of the August 1914 atrocities. The German government, offended by the terms "German barbarism" and "Teutonic fury" used in these memorials, criticized the Belgian government for perpetuating what they considered the "legend of atrocities".^[112] This controversy was reignited in 1927 when Professor Christian Meurer,^[113] commissioned by the Reichstag to investigate the events of August 1914, submitted his conclusions.^[114] The Weimar Republic endorsed Meurer's findings, which reaffirmed the presence of "franktireurkriegers" and supported the thesis of the White Book. In response, Norbert Nieuwland and Maurice Tschoffen published with their book "Le Conte de fée des francs-tireurs de Dinant: Réponse au rapport du professor Meurer de l'Université de Würzburg."^[115] Meurer criticized Tschoffen for insulting Germany in his response to Tschoffen's^[116] first reports in the Belgian government's XXth report.

Third criticism of my reports. "They contain nothing but insults against the Germans", you write. This is not true, Professor, and you know it. I defy you to cite an insulting expression you've read in them; there isn't one! I reported the facts; I didn't qualify them. I didn't need to; they were self-explanatory. Furthermore, I agree with you on the principle that insults are not arguments, and I think that expressions such as 'dirty inventions', 'bestial cruelties', 'atrocities that could not be more repulsive' are more the stuff of pamphlets than of history. I gather them from your work. To conclude this letter, I search in vain for the polite formula appropriate to the nature of our relationship. Please allow me, Professor, not to use any.^[117]

— Maurice Tschoffen, King's Public Prosecutor in Dinant

During the interwar period, revisionist literature began to emerge, including in English-speaking countries, influenced by the dynamics of pacification.^[118]

In May 1940, during World War II, the occupying forces used the pretext of affront to justify the dynamiting of the memorial dedicated to the 674 victims of August 1914. The memorial, titled "Furore Teutonico," had been erected in 1936 on the Place d'Armes.^[98] In the 1950s, there was an ongoing dispute over whether to include the events of August 1914 in history textbooks. During the 1960s, historians from Germany, Belgium, and France collaborated on the matter. Specifically, Belgians Fernand Mayence [fr], Jean de Sturler, and Léon van der Essen, worked alongside Germans Franz Petri, Hans Rothfels, and Werner Conze.^[119]

In 1994, John Horne and Allan Kramer published an article^[120] analyzing the campaign diaries of German soldiers who were in Belgium during August 1914. This publication effectively debunked the myth of German atrocities committed in Belgium during World War I.^[118] Since 1995, historians such as Michel Coleau, Aurore François, Michel Kellner, Vincent Scarniet, Axel Tixhon, and Frédéric Vesentini have conducted research on this episode. Utilizing primary sources, including German war diaries and eyewitness accounts, these historians have established and analyzed the facts surrounding the events.

In 2001, John Horne and Allan Kramer published German Atrocities, which was subsequently translated into French in 2005 under the title 1914. Les Atrocités allemandes [fr], subtitled La Vérité sur les crimes de guerre en France et en Belgique. The sacking of Dinant is now recognized as a reality.

However, in August 2017, art historian Ulrich Keller reignited the controversy^[121] in his book Schuldfragen: Belgischer Untergrundkrieg und deutsche Vergeltung im August 1914 (Questions de culpabilité: guerre clandestine belge et représailles allemandes en août 1914).^[122] Keller argues that civilian gunfire towards the German army provoked a severe German response against the population. His analysis, based on archival documents from Berlin, reveals the discovery of Belgian and French soldiers' uniforms in Dinant without accompanying weapons. Keller concludes that some soldiers may have disguised themselves as civilians to attack German soldiers, citing injuries sustained by soldiers that seemed inconsistent with conventional weaponry but rather suggestive of shotguns.^[121]

Horne and Kramer acknowledge that while isolated instances of civilians firing on enemy forces might have occurred, as permitted by the Second Hague Conference of 1907,^[123] such instances were rare. Military historian Fernand Gérard has called on Angela Merkel to request a formal denial from her government.^[124] On November 27, 2017, the municipal council of Dinant officially denounced Keller's allegations and urged the federal government to adopt the same position.^[125] The German newspaper Die Welt now concurs with Axel Tixhon's findings. Although the Belgian militia (the Garde Civique) may have fired on the Germans,^{[nb 11]} there was no occurrence of Franktireurkrieg ("francs-tireurs war") in Dinant. The latter appears to have been a fabrication by German soldiers. Finally, given that Keller's conclusions rely heavily on his interpretations, their validity remains questionable.^[121] Axel Tixhon, a historian specializing in the events of August 1914, argues that Keller's work is driven by objectives that diverge from those of rigorous scientific research.^[126]

Two significant figures who played crucial roles in World War I were present in Dinant. Firstly, Philippe Pétain, at the age of 58, served as a colonel under Charles Lanrezac, commander-in-chief of the 5th French Army during the war. Colonel Pétain led the 4th Brigade of the 1st Army Corps and arrived in Dinant on August 13. During his time there he stayed with Joseph Chot and his spouse.^[101]

The other influential figure was Charles de Gaulle, who, at 23 years old, served as a young lieutenant. He experienced his first significant combat on August 15, 1914.^[127] He led the first section of the 11th company of the Arras 33rd infantry regiment [fr], under the command of General Duplessis.^[128] After a forced march, he reached Dinant on the night of August 14–15. Observing that the Germans had not yet occupied the town, his unit took position on a street in Dinant's faubourg Saint-Médard. In his war diaries published in 2014, he provides a detailed account of the events of August 15, including the circumstances leading to his injury as his unit crossed the Dinant bridge (now named after him) to support the troops engaged in the battle for the citadel.^[129]

I've barely crossed the twenty meters or so that separate us from the entrance to the bridge when I receive a whiplash-like blow to the knee that makes me miss my footing. The first four with me are also mowed down in the blink of an eye. I fall, and Sergeant Debout falls on top of me, killed stiff! Then, for half a minute, I'm surrounded by a hail of bullets. I can hear them cracking on the cobblestones and parapets, in front, behind and beside me! I also hear them thud into the corpses and wounded strewn across the ground. I think to myself: "My man, you're there!" Then, on reflection: "The only chance you've got of getting out of this is to drag yourself across the road to a house that's luckily open next door."^[129]

He crawled on his stomach while clutching his sabre, which was secured to his wrist by a lanyard, and eventually reached Madame Meurice’s residence. The house was crowded with civilians and soldiers, including a French Major who had lost control after a head injury. De Gaulle was later transported to Charleroi via Anthée and finally to the Hôpital Saint-Joseph [fr] in Paris, where he underwent surgery.^[130][129]

On September 11, 1927, Philippe Pétain, who was then serving as the vice-president of the Conseil supérieur de la guerre, visited Dinant with his aide-de-camp, Captain de Gaulle. Together, they inaugurated the L'Assaut monument, sculpted by Alexandre Daoust, located in the French cemetery of the Dinant citadel.^[131]

On August 15, 2014, a statue of Lieutenant de Gaulle was erected near the entrance to the bridge on the left bank. A commemorative plaque marks the exact spot where he was wounded, commemorating an episode that had a profound impact on his life. The plaque raises the question of why he survived while many others did not.^[129]

During the events of the Belgian invasion in World War I, Maximilian von Sachsen, the brother of King Frederick-Augustus III of Saxony, served as chaplain to the German 23rd Division during the invasion of Belgium. He witnessed the atrocities committed by his army and later confirmed these observations. Maximilian von Sachsen remarked:

If I could have foreseen this march through Belgium and all the things that went with it, I would have refused to follow the army as a military chaplain.^[132][133]

In his memoir, German chaplain Hermann Hoffmann recounts a September 1914 encounter with Prince Max, who was another volunteer chaplain. With tears in his eyes, Prince Max expressed that if a just god existed, Germany would lose the war because of the atrocities committed in Belgium.^[132]

Some historians of Dinant have suggested that Maximilian von Sachsen was the officer who intervened after the Tschoffen Wall shoot-out to prevent a potential mass execution at Dinant prison. However, there is no concrete evidence to support this claim.^[134] However, it is known that he intervened in Sorinnes [fr], a few kilometers away, to halt the execution of civilians.^[132]

• Couillet Treaty
• German atrocities of 1914
• German occupation of Belgium during World War I
• Massacre of Tamines
• Rape of Belgium
• War crimes in World War I