An embassy without a government (Russian: посольство без правительства, romanized: posol'stvo bez pravitel'stva)[1][2][3][4] is a diplomatic mission that represents a deposed government to its host country. Such a mission usually arises from a civil conflict which leads to a regime change from an internationally recognised government to one or more new governments that may or may not be recognised when established for a variety or reasons.
In October 1917, Vasily Maklakov was appointed to replace Alexander Izvolsky as Ambassador to France. When he arrived in Paris to present his credentials, Maklakov learned of the Bolshevik takeover (October Revolution) and he represented a no longer existent government.[5] In December was put out of charge by Trotsky but nevertheless continued to occupy the Russian embassy for seven years.[6]Hôtel d'Estrées served as the informal headquarters of the White émigré, the anti-Bolsheviks.
Throughout that period, French authorities considered Maklakov "an ambassador who had not yet been accredited".[7] There was considerable ambiguity in this position. For example, he once received a letter from Premier Clemenceau addressed to "Son Excellence Monsieur Maklakoff, Ambassade de Russie", with the lightly erased letters "ur" at the end of "Ambassade".[8] Maklakov lightly compared himself to "a magazine that one puts on a seat to show that it is occupied".[9]
With the Tsarist government deposed, Konstantin Nabokov (ambassador in London) and Maklakov telegrammed their counterparts in Rome and Washington, urging them of the necessity of coordinating their actions in response to the events in Petrograd.[5] Maklakov, a judge, deemed that the Soviet government was illegitimate in the way it violently seized power, and was hopeful that "vigorous opposition" would be stirred up in the country.[5] The day after the revolution, the mission in Copenhagen, headed by chargé d'affaires Mikhail Meyendorff, circulated a wire to Russian missions in the allied and neutral countries of Europe, asking advise regarding coordination efforts.[5] On November 10 (O.S. October 28), the ambassador in Rome, Mikhail Giers, endorsed Maklakov's actions. On the other hand, Boris Bakhmeteff, ambassador to the United States, took a more sympathetic approach stance to the U.S.'s position towards the war.[5]
Ultimately, most diplomats agreed with Nabokov, and diplomatic efforts became coordinated and based in Paris at the suggestion of chargé d'affaires in Madrid, Yury Solovyov.[5] The embassies acted as parallel representatives of Russia to other countries, competing with the newly established Soviet Union for diplomatic recognition.[10] Among these were consuls in seven U.S. cities and three Canadian cities, receiving financing and support from the U.S. government,[10] as well as ambassadors and other representatives in Europe and Japan.
The ambassadors worked under the notion proposed by the ambassador to Siam, Iosif Loris-Melikov: the lack of a legitimate government meant that they could not resign, and that such an action would serve as an implicit recognition of the Soviet government. Thus, the tsarist politicians would serve as representatives of Russia until a new legitimate government was established, participating in events such as the 18th Inter-Allied Conference held in Paris in late 1917.[5] Financing took place through loans to local missions by the host countries' governments, and the embassy's accounts were drained into temporary accounts or used to buy war bonds in order to prevent that the money is used by the Soviet government in the event that the missions closed.[5]
After being reminded of the council's actions, Trotsky issued a telegram on November 30, 1917 (O.S. November 17) that deposed Maklakov of all diplomatic functions. Another telegram on the same day stating that the Council of People's Commissars suggested that all embassy staff respond immediately as to whether or not they were to follow a foreign policy that aligned with the Congress of Soviets.[5][10] The telegram went unanswered, with the exception of Solovyov in Madrid and Roman von Ungern-Sternberg in Lisbon, who were boycotted by the council and allied diplomats, and as a result, another telegram was issued on December 9 (O.S. November 26) relieving 28 diplomats of their duties without a right to a pension.[5]
In late November (O.S. October) 1917,[10] the "Council of Ambassadors" (Russian: Совещания послов)[5][10] was established to ensure unanimity among the tsarist diplomats. It included diplomats Giers (Italy), Nabokov (United Kingdom), Stakhovich (Spain) and Efremov (Switzerland). Maklakov acted as the council's leader, followed by Giers.[5] A number of diplomats remained active up until 1940 without having any contact with the council, as was the case of Yevgeny Shtein (Buenos Aires; to 1931), Pavel Pustoshkin (The Hague; to 1940) and S. A. Uget (Washington D.C.; to 1933).[5]
Incidents took place between tsarist and bolshevik diplomats. One such event took place in Bern, when Andrei Mikhailovich Onu, the tsarist ambassador to Switzerland, refused to hand over his mission to Soviet ambassador Jan Antonovich Berzin, demanding that the Swiss government recognise his embassy as the only legitimate mission to the country.[10] A similar situation took place in London, with the Soviet ambassador being unable to occupy the embassy due to the British government siding with the tsarists.[10]
Between 1920 and 1925, the council slowly started to fade as the USSR was recognised instead, representing instead the émigré movement instead of a Russian state.[5][10] For example, after the signing of the Treaty of Rapallo, the German mission was renamed to the Russian Refugee Organization.[5] Tsarist diplomats were allowed to attend the Paris Peace Conference, but not at an official capacity.[10] The council ultimately did not survive past the early 1920s.[10]
The consuls in North America stopped their services in the late 1920s; the U.S. government seized the records of the consulates. The seizure started a long dispute. The National Archives and Records Administration received the documents in 1949. In 1980 the U.S. government loaned the documents of the Canadian consulates to the Library and Archives Canada. On 31 January 1990 the U.S. returned the documents to the Soviet Union and kept the microfilms as evidence.[11]
A similar situation occurred very briefly as part of the dissolution of the Soviet Union; between 16–24 December 1991, the Soviet Union neither controlled nor claimed to control any territory (thus making it not a government-in-exile), but embassies and the United Nations still recognized the Soviet Union instead of Russia. The United Nations would recognize Russia in place of the Soviet Union on 24 December 1991, and the embassies would follow suit.[13][14]
Afghan embassies aligned with the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan
Afghan embassies aligned with the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan
(Taliban)
Sovereignty not recognized by Afghanistan
After the collapse of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan that ended with the capture of Kabul by the Taliban on August 15, 2021, a government-in-exile was proclaimed on August 17.[25][26][27] The country's diplomatic network abroad continued its allegiance to the former Republic, as a number of the diplomats posted had personally contributed to the country's reconstruction after 2001.[1] Efforts made by the corps, now reduced in staff size and financed by donors and consular activities alone,[28] have been mostly focused on Western countries, as several Afghan missions in Asia have been handed over to the new government.[1][29][30]
In the absence of a foreign ministry, the Coordination Group was established by the republican ambassadors in order to coordinate efforts via mostly online meetings,[1] and, similar to the Russian effort, a Council of Ambassadors currently acts as the embassies' government system.[1][31][32]
Also similar to the Russian effort, incidents have occurred between republican and emirian diplomats, as was the case in Rome, where the police were called after a physical altercation between the ambassadors.[1][28][30][33] A number of diplomats of the new government have also been denied their positions, as was the case of Suhail Shaheen, who was appointed envoy to the United Nations, but declined by the organisation.[28][33]
^There are reports that the Ankara embassy is obeying Taliban instructions.[1][29]
^It was reported in February 2023 by the Khaama Press Agency that Turkey had handed over the consulate in Istanbul to a Taliban appointee. However, in April 2023, Foreign Policy reported that the existing leadership of the consulate had refused to step down.[48][1]
^Javid Ahmad Qaem [@JavidQaem] (10 January 2022). "Handover note addressed to Mr. Mahyuddin Saddat First Secretary, Assigned to Beijing" (Tweet). Retrieved 6 April 2022 – via Twitter. I am taking leave from 2nd January 2022. Looking to the circumstance and restrictions, it is not very clear when I can return to office. So, I am leaving this hand over note for a smooth transition at the Afghan Embassy in Beijing.
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