Zichan (WG: Tzu Ch'an) (traditional Chinese: 子產; simplified Chinese: 子产)^[1] (c.581-522 BCE)^[2] was a Chinese statesman during the late Spring and Autumn period. From 543 until his death in 522 BCE, he served as the chief minister of the State of Zheng. Also known as Gongsun Qiao (traditional Chinese: 公孫僑; simplified Chinese: 公孙侨,^[3] he is better known by his courtesy name Zichan.

As chief minister of Zheng, an important and centrally-located state, Zichan faced aggression from powerful neighbours without and fractious domestic politics within. He was a political leader at a time when Chinese culture and society was enduring a centuries-long period of turbulence.  Governing traditions had become unstable and malleable, institutions were being battered by chronic war, and new forms of state leadership were emerging but were sharply contested.

Under Zichan the Zheng state prospered. He introduced reforms with strengthened the state and met foreign threats. His statecraft was respected by his peers and reportedly appreciated by the people. Favourably treated in the Zuo Zhuan (an ancient text of history), Zichan drew comments from his near-contemporary Confucius, later from Mencius and Han Fei.

By its military defeat in 771 BCE, later historians divide the Zhou (c.1045-221 BCE) into two periods: Western and Eastern, as Zhou moved its capital east over 500 km after it defeat.^[4][5] The dynasty not only never recovered, its regime steadily lost strength during the Spring and Autumn period (770-481 BCE). At its start the Zhou rulers deployed the fengjian system. Differing from the feudal estates, in ancient China kinship formed the primary bond between the royal dynast and the local 'vassal'.^{[6][7][8][9][10]}

Duke Huan (r.806-771) founded Zheng, when enfeoffed by his brother the Zhou King Xuan (r. 825-782 BCE). By 767 BCE Zheng moved its capital east,^[11] near Zhou's new royal lands.^{[12][13][14][15]} Strategically located,^[16] Zheng prospered through trade, at first fielding strong armies. In 707 BCE Duke Zhuang of Zheng (r.743-701 BCE) defeated the Zhou King's invasion. Duke Zhuang is compared to the Five Hegemons.^[17] In 673 BCE Zheng attacked the royal capital, killed the usurper, restoring the previous Zhou King. With its military becoming less effective against its rivals, a vigorous Zheng manoeuvred to survive attacks.^[18][19]

During Zichan's youth, Duke Jian of Zheng (r.566-530 BCE) began his reign. Stability, however, was uncertain region-wide. Xi, the prior Duke of Zheng, had been killed by nobles in his ministry.^{[20][21][22][23]} Zichan's ministry had to deal with frequent turbulence. Zheng relapsed during the Warring States (480-221 BCE), when "the centre of the political stage was occupied by the competition between clans".^[24] During that era's increasingly fierce combat between the few remaining states, Zheng met its demise in 375 BCE.^{[25][26][27][28]}

Zichan was closely related to the hereditary Dukes of Zheng state, hence also kin of the royal Zhou. As a grandson of Zheng's admired Duke Mu (r. 627-606 BCE), Zichan was also called Gongsun Qiao, "Ducal Grandson". Zichan was a member of the clan of Guo, one of the Seven Houses of Zheng. Led by their nobility these clans competed (at times, descending to internecine strife) for power and prestige. The Guo lineage was no longer among the strongest clans of Zheng. Zichan's ancestral surname was Ji,^[29] his personal name was Ji Qiao.^[30][31][32]

In 565 BCE Zichan's father, Prince Guo (Ziguo),^[33] led a victorious campaign against the State of Cai. His military success, however, risked provoking the hostility of stronger neighbouring states, Jin to the north and Chu to the south. Yet the Zheng leadership appeared pleased. However Zichan, the teenage son of Ziguo, had a different view. He said a small state like Zheng should excel in civic virtue, not martial achievement, else it will have no peace.^[34] In response, Ziguo rebuked Zichan.^{[35][36][37][38][39]} Three years after the Cai victory, during a revolt by rival nobles of Zheng, Zichan's father Ziguo was assassinated.^[40][41]

In 543 BCE, when nearing 40 years of age,^[42][43] Zichan became prime minister of Zheng state. Zichan's career path to the top position started in 565 BCE,^[44] and involved his finding a way through the unexpected and sometimes violent events and social instability that challenged Zheng's political class.^[45] Selected events of his early career follow, the chief primary source being the Zuo Zhuan.^[46]

Since 570 BCE Zichan's father Ziguo had been one of three leading aristocrats who directed Zheng's government. The head of state was the Duke of Zheng, but in fact this triumvirate of nobles kept control. In 563 BCE "Zisi had laid out ditches between fields" so that four clans "lost lands".^[47] Later in 563 BCE "armed insurgents" led by seven disaffected clan nobles (many who had lost lands), overthrew the government and killed all three rulers: Zisi, Ziguo, and Zi'er.^[48] Zichan recovered his father's body, and rallied his lineage. He "got all his officers in readiness... formed his men in ranks, [and] went forth with 17 chariots of war". Another "led the people" to Zichan's side. Two rebel leaders (and many followers) were killed; five leaders fled Zheng.^{[49][50][51][52]} The ruling 'oligarchy' of elite and pugnacious Zhou-era nobles prevailed against the brutal assault by rebel clan leaders.^[53][54]

After the 563 BCE rebellion was quelled, Zikong the new Zheng leader issued a document declaring his autocratic rule. It provoked fierce opposition from other nobility and the people. Zichan urged Zikong to renounce the document by burning it in public. His rhetoric to Zikong used likely scenarios to illustrate a probable negative outcome. Zikong then burned it.^[55][56][57] In 553 BCE Zikong tried again to monopolize political power, supported by Chu state. But two nobles rose to fatally block him. The two formed a new triumvirate to rule Zheng, the third being the popular Zichan, elevated now as a high minister.^[58][59][60]

Zheng state in 561 BCE had joined a coalition headed by the powerful Jin state to the north.^[61] Zichan as a high minister maneuvered to ally Zheng with fellow small-state members, in order to lighten their burdens. Jin, as the current hegemon, required all 'northern league' members to make regular state visits to Jin, and each time to bring high-value gifts.^[62][63] In 548 Zichan wrote a convincing letter to Jin's chief minister. It criticised Jin for increasing the value of 'gifts' demanded. Zichan successfully argued this worked against Jin's reputation. Worth more than the gifts was Jin's good name; on it rested Jin's virtue, the very foundation of Jin state.^[64][65][66] Zichan continued to lobby Jin on behalf of the small states.^[67]

In 547 BCE the Zheng people made war on the small state of Chen as pay back (a year earlier the large Chu state and Chen had attacked Zheng, closing up wells and cutting down trees).^[68] With 700 chariots Zheng took the Chen capital, Zichan being second in command. The military occupation worked to reform some Chen policies (altar of earth, conscripts, taxes, land), then withdrew, without looting the city or destroying its sanctuaries, nor did the Zheng army seize hostages.^[69] For a military victor to act harshly, take war booty and vengeance was then customary in ancient China's multi-state system.^{[70][71][72][73][74]} Zichan later defended Zheng's invasion of Chen before resentful Jin's ministers.^[75][76][77]

In 544 a feud began between the nobles of rival clans. The Si clan partisans then attacked and burned the residence of a Jiang clan leader.^[78][79][80] It threatened the unity of Zheng state. Initially Zichan had distanced himself to avoid the bitter conflict's social contagion. Yet his attention was solicited. By using the remedial details from a local tradition,^{[81][82][83][84][85]} as a guide, Zichan managed to bring the raucous disputants into negotiation, circa 543 BCE. The solution worked-out did not prove agreeable to all the parties, yet the bloody feud came to an end.^{[86][87][88][89]} Zichan had remained a popular leader.^[90][91]

Han Hu (Zi Pi) the first minister in 544 wanted to appoint Zichan as his successor. A reluctant Zichan had declined: the office was troubled from without by strong and aggressive rival states, and from within by the constant feuding of the clans, which made Zheng "impossible to govern well". Yet by the next year Zichan had been persuaded of a tolerable level of coexistence among the nobility. Such conditions might be sufficient for Zichan to pursue reforms.^{[92][93][94][95]}

His political path, ably pursued in office over decades, and his personal popularity, can be more skeptically portrayed as a cross-cultural allegory of the "law-givers and tyrants" in an Ancient Greek city-state. Such a ruler could act harshly or capriciously, defying traditional limits to his authority. "Following another civil war in 543, Zi Chan seized effective power".^[96] On the other hand, the career of Zichan can be appraised as a forerunner of the scholar official, who would later administer and adjudicate, dominating Chinese imperial societies.^[97][98]

Zichan initiated actions to strengthen the Zheng state. Along with subordinate ministers and aides,^[99] Zichan had straightened what reforms might work best over time, and improvised.

Agricultural methods were managed to increase the harvest. He reset boundaries between farmlands. Tax reforms increased state revenue. Military policies were kept current. Laws were published in a break with tradition. Administration of state operations were centralised, effective officials recruited, social norms guided. Commerce flourished. Rites were performed and Zhou-era customs followed, in an evolving social context. Religious needs of the people addressed. Divinations for Zheng state were handled by its special ministry. Interstate relations required constant vigilance, e.g., to meet demands for tribute. His negotiating skills were tested. Zichan had opposition and acquired a sophist enemy. He did not always succeed.^[100]

From the Han dynasty historian Sima Qian,^[101] his Shiji:

Tzu-ch'an^[102] was one of the high ministers of the state of [Zheng]. ... [Its affairs had been] in confusion, superiors and inferiors were at odds with each other, and fathers and sons quarrelled. ... [Then] Tzu-ch'an [was] appointed prime minister. After... one year, the children in the state had ceased their naughty behaviour, grey-haired elders were no longer seen carrying heavy burdens... . After two years, no one overcharged in the markets. After three years, people stopped locking their gates at night... . After four years, people did not bother to take home their farm tools when the day's work was finished, and after five years, no more conscription orders were sent out to the knights. ... Tzu-ch'an ruled for twenty-six years [sic], and when he died the young men wept and the old men cried... .^{[103][104][105]}

The earlier Zuo Zhuan had also told of the people's appraisal of Zichan, a version similar to the Shiji, but differing in stages and detail. After one year the workers complained, griping about new taxes on their clothes and about a new levy against the land. Yet after three years the workers praised Zichan: for teaching their children, and increasing the yield of their fields.^[106][107]

Yet however skilful his statecraft, Zichan in his reformist role as proponent of advanced policies was not unique. Over a century earlier Guan Zhong (720-645), the chief minister of Qi, earned praise for his effective management. His innovations included administrative and military-agricultural innovations. The Qi state nonetheless maintained traditional Zhou rituals. As a consequence Duke Huan of Qi became the 'first' of the Five Hegemons, and a noted "paragon".^{[108][109][110][111]} Another reformist minister was Li Kui (455-395) of Wei.^[112][113]

Agricultural politics in Zheng not only affected management of the land, farm operations and the harvest, but also issues of taxation, and military strength. Of the several powerful clans, the rival lineage groups (zu) of Zheng, each controlled its own lands, the primary source of community wealth and livelihood.

Zichan's policy sought to increase food production, to improve the sowing and reaping of crops, the tending of livestock.^[115][116] A minister's role included agricultural management to further state prosperity,^[117] as recorded in the Zhou era's Shijing.^{[118][119][120]} Techniques and methods developed. Farm implements of stone or wood were being replaced by metal. As yoked to oxen, a iron plow increased the yield, directly causing a rise in prosperity of people and rulers.^{[121][122][123]}

Zichan in 543 BCE reset the boundaries of farm lands and the location of irrigation ditches.^[124] "The fields were all marked out by their banks and ditches."^[125][126] The Mencius later described a traditional well-field system of land use,^[127][128] in which eight plots of farm land surround a ninth to be tilled in common.^[129][130] More probably clan lineages (zu) controlled the agricultural lands, and distributed parcels to the peasants who paid rent in kind; the remaining land was collectively cultivated to support, e.g., the lineage temple.^{[131][132][133]}

The 543 order by Zichan transformed Zheng agriculture, it "carried out such reforms as grouping houses by five, responsible for one another, and marking out all the fields by banks and ditches."^{[134][135][136]} Clan leaders of Zheng had long dominated the farming operations on their lands, which determined power, wealth, and status.^[137][138] Among the fierce inter-clan rivalries, violent revolts had irrupted to nullify any action to lessen a clan's land dominance. Moving the ditches was inherently risky for any politician (e.g., Zichan's father in 562).^{[139][140][141]}

Tax issues arose from Zichan's reforms of farmland. Zheng's revenues were chronically short, often due to costs for defence, or to pay out tribute to powerful neighbouring states.^[142] A 537 BCE reform made by Zichan increased the land tax, which drew sharp criticism in Zheng. The people reviled him, "His father died on the road, and he himself is a scorpion's tail." Zichan replied that there was no harm in the people's complaints, but that the new law benefited Zheng. "I will either live or die," he said, quoting an Ode, "I will not change it."^[143][144]

Taxing land was delicate. Nuanced by the multifaceted politics of land agency and ownership, such issues were contested then in the event, and later by scholars.^[145][146] In progress seemed to be a fundamental shift in the social-political evolution of farmland control. Starting confusedly in the Spring and Autumn (Zichan's era), the shift was completed more-or-less during the Warring States (475-221). Moving away from traditional communities dominated by clan lineages, land ownership devolved, parcel by parcel, to more efficiently-run holdings of "nuclear family households". Holdings that the state more easily taxed.^{[147][148][149][150][151]}

Warfare intersected agriculture. Chariots driven in battle by aristocrats (familiar to Zichan) were starting to be supplanted by infantry.^[152][153] Most foot soldiers were also farmers.^{[154][155][156][157]} Interstate military competition was raw, and intensified; it pushed the ruling ministers to increase their armies. Existential demands on agriculture were made for the state treasury and for recruits.^[158][159]

Accordingly, an army was supported by taxing land and its ranks filled by drafting farmers. The early reforms by Qi state (7th century BCE) had so organized its infantry into fighting units of five so as to match the social units of five composed of farming families.^[160] By his agricultural and land-tax reforms starting in 543 BCE, "Zi Chan reordered the fields of Zheng into a grid with irrigation channels, levied a tax on land, organised rural households into units of five, and created a qiu levy."^{[161][162][163]} The qiu levy here suggests the qiu troops that Lu state had mustered earlier, circa 590 BCE. Prof. Lewis concludes that Zichan followed the land tax and defence policies of Jin and Lu states in "extending military recruitment into the countryside". The innovation was opposed by traditional elites (clan leaderships) who were "losing their privileged position" as the controlling factor in Zheng's armed forces.^{[164][165][166][167]}

In Zichan's reform of government one major focus concerned the law. Before Zichan, in each state the powerful hereditary clans, descendants of the Zhou lineage, had generally enforced their own closely-held laws and regulations.^[168] "So long as the penal law remains in the secret archives of the state, those who administer the code are free to employ their own private judgement and their own moral discretion... ."^[169] The contents of the law might be known only to a "limited number of dignitaries who were concerned with their execution and enforcement." Laws "were not made known to the public."^[170] "When the people were kept from knowing the law, the ruling class could manipulate it as it saw fit."^[171] Yet the traditional governance among the city-states was then faltering and dissolving in continually changing conditions. In many regimes the ministers, by manoeuvre or usurpation, were replacing Zhou-lineage clan rulers in whose name they had acted. Ministers began to assume direct state rule of the population.^[172] The Zuo Zhuan records that in 536 BCE Zheng state had its penal statutes inscribed on a bronze tripod cauldron or ding. "In the third month, the Zheng leaders cast a penal code in bronze."^[173][174] It was made public, a first among the Eastern Zhou states.^[175][176]

One modern view challenges this notion that no state had published its laws before the late Spring and Autumn period. Prof. Creel doubted that laws were kept secret. He refers to earlier laws mentioned in ancient writings.^[177][178] Creel questioned several widely-quoted passages from the Zuo Zhuan which narrate: 1) how Zichan inscribed the Zheng laws on the bronze tripod ding in 536;^[179] and, 2) how Confucius criticised the similar publication of laws by a nearby state, Jin in 513.^[180]

Yet the story of Zichan being first in China to publish a selection of state laws remains the consensus of modern researchers.^{[181][182][183][184][185][186]} Zhao comments how the adverse political situation of Zheng "produced the legendary figure of Zichan, arguably the most influential reformer of his age. [Zichan's] most remarkable act was placing a caldron inscribed with Zheng's legal codes in a public place in 536". Judging by the fierce reaction generated, Zichan's action must have been considered "sensational at the time".^[187] A law whose text was available to those subject to it, would work to foster their awareness of proper civic conduct. Published laws served the state, 1) as a way of guiding the people, and also 2) as a more effective tool of control, because it warns as well as legitimises punishment of violators. That Zichan possessed the ability to break open a new chapter in social norms was because he "had the complete support of the people of Cheng [Zheng], he enjoyed a position of full authority there throughout his life."^{[188][189][190][191]}

For publishing the laws of Zheng, Zichan was criticised by some of his key contemporaries. It undermined the nobility, undercut their governing authority and their judicial role. Before, in making their legal judgements, the elite officials had applied to the facts their own confidential interpretation of what they viewed as the inherited social traditions, styled later 'rule by virtue'. The end result of this shrouded procedure would be very difficult to challenge.^[192] By articulating and making public the legal statutes the people were better empowered to advance an opposing view of state law. Up until then ruling circles thought publishing the law would be detrimental, would open the door to public argument, bickering, and shameless manoeuvring to avoid social tradition, its time-tested moral force.^[193][194] The situation was multi-sided, as political roles were changing during a surge in growth of material culture; the social tradition itself was in flux. Opening up laws to be viewed by the common people would subsequently become the trend in pre-imperial Chinese statecraft.^[195]

Deng Xi of Zheng (545-501 BC),^[196] for good or ill, acquired a reputation for provoking social conflict and civic instability. A child when Zichan published the laws, Deng Xi was a controversial official of Zheng with Mingjia philosophical views.^[197] Despite being aware and warned of the corrosive activities of the Mingjia, Zichan in 536 had an historic bronze ding cast, inscribed with Zheng's penal laws. As Deng Xi came of age, he challenged the state and its ministers, including Zichan.^{[198][199][200]} Some thought he studied trickery.^[201] The state of Zheng put Deng Xi to death in 501 according to the Zuo Zhuan.^[202][203] Most probably it was not by Zichan.^{[204][205][206][207]} Ancient documents, however, are divided as to who ordered his execution.^{[208][209][210][211][212]} Sun comments, "But the problems he raised were not solved by his death."^[213][214]

Shuxiang, a minister of Jin and personal 'friend' of Zichan, wrote a long 'letter' faulting him for making the Zheng law public. It marshalled strong traditional arguments against publishing the penal laws. Publicity weakened the timeless truth of traditions closely-held by clan leaders. Confucius would later raise such issues anew.^[215][216] Harshly accusing Zichan of grave error, Shuxiang here predicted future calamity for Zheng state. Responding Zichan claimed he was "untalented" and so unable to properly manage the laws with a view toward the future generations. To benefit people of Zheng alive today was his aim.^{[217][218][219][220][221]} Issues at stake here were long debated, e.g., by philosophers of the Warring States era that followed,^[222][223] and long continued.^[224]

Part of a series on
Chinese legalism
Figures Guan Zhong Marquess Wen of Wei Li Kui Duke Xiao of Qin Shang Yang Shen Buhai Wu Qi Shen Dao Zhang Yi Han Fei Li Si Qin Shi Huang
Han figures Jia Yi Emperor Wen of Han Emperor Wu of Han Chao Cuo Gongsun Hong Zhang Tang Huan Tan Wang Fu Zhuge Liang
Later figures Emperor Wen of Sui Du You Wang Anshi Li Shanchang Zhang Juzheng Xu Guangqi
Relevant texts Guanzi The Book of Lord Shang Shenzi (both books) Han Feizi Wuzi Wei Liaozi Annals of Lü Buwei Huang-Lao
Relevant articles Rectification of names Wu wei Discourses on Salt and Iron Criticize Lin, Criticize Confucius
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After Zichan's legal publication of 536, it became common practice for states to selectively publish their laws. Jin state by 513 had so cast its laws in a bronze tripod ding.^{[225][226][227][228]}

Sources. In order to draft the legal text, a likely source for Zichan (in addition to his ministry's working practice) would be the various competing clans living within Zheng state: their privately-kept traditions of juridical authority, each clan's customs and rules being useful to guide its own style of settling disputes.^{[229][230][231]}

When the zu [clans] started to dissolve... people naturally needed moral principles and rules which would assimilate the customs and customary laws of different zu and be universally applied to all... despite their different zu origins.^[232]

Another source existed in the blood covenants (meng) created in writing between political entities in the late Spring and Autumn.^{[233][234][235][236]} Also, as discussed above,^[237] Creel lists the titles of dynasty laws mentioned in prior texts.^{[238][239][240]}

Politics. Zichan created "a break with the long-standing tradition of clan autonomy, [by] the institution of his codified law."^[241] The after-effects worked to centralise legal authority in the Zheng state ministers, and to diminish the discretionary power of the several clans.^{[242][243][244]} The legal publication also worked in various bargains and disputes to benefit the people of Zheng.^[245]

More generally, the 'traditional' social conduct fostered by the li-centred rites, customs once inspired by an animated world view and later associated with the Kongzi school, would be reworked, restructured and rationally integrated. Since the Spring and Autumn (Zichan's era), despite the fajia triumph during the Qin conquests,^[246][247] such values as articulated from the rites of li continued to infiltrate, for better or worse, and to eventually "amalgamate with law".^{[248][249][250][251]}

Content. The Zheng penal laws published in 536 by Zichan apparently included "descriptions of crimes and their punishments."^[252][253] After describing Zichan's publication, the Zuo Zhuan indirectly refers to the names of three statutes, each of an historical dynasty (Xia, Shang, and Zhou), as the basis of Zheng's 536 laws. Yet nothing is known of the content of these three 'statutes'.^{[254][255][256]}

Subsequently written state laws may be suggestive, or provide legal context for conjecture. The Fa Jing (asserted to be by Li Kui of Jin state circa 400),^[257] contains six 'fascicles' which are titled: "Statutes on Robbery, on Banditry, on Net, on Arrest, Miscellaneous Statutes, and Statutes on the Composition (of Judgements)".^[258] A duplicate translation of these six 'fascicles': "bandits, brigands, prisons, arrests, miscellaneous punishments, and special circumstances".^[259]

Selected events during Zichan's career in the administration of Zheng follow.^[260]

In 548 a clan leader of Zheng, You Ji,^[261][262] talked shop with Zichan and Zheng high officer Ran Ming.^[263] Asked by You Ji about the way of government. Zichan replied:

Governing is like farming, in that one thinks about it day and night, in that one thinks about its beginnings so as to achieve its ends, in that one acts on these thoughts from morning till evening. Do not act on what you have not thought through; do this in the same way that fields follow dividing boundaries. In this way there will be few errors.^{[264][265][266]}

In 543 Zichan became first minister of Zheng.^[268]

"In taking charge of government, Zichan chose the able and employed them." Feng Jianzi was a decision maker. You Ji, refined and learned. Gongsun Hui knew neighbouring states, could read people, and write speeches. Pi Chen was a strategist of the countryside. When Zheng prepared to deal with rival states and their princes, Zichan consulted with each of these competent and tested officials. "Consequently there were rarely any failures." Such that Wei's minister called it "abiding by ritual propriety".^{[269][270][271]} In the often dysfunctional clan nobility of Zichan's day "selecting men for office according to their ability" was unusual, as "office was commonly inherited and considered a family possession".^[272] Zichan's methods increased the state's control and reach.^[273]

In 542 the former prime minister and a clan leader, Han Hu, had wanted to appoint an inexperience youth to a high position. Zichan had successfully opposed his choice. As a consequence Han Hu praised Zichan's abilities, saying, "I have heard that a noble man applies himself to understand what is important and far-reaching, while a petty man applies himself to understanding what is minor and close at hand. . . . If it were not for your words, sir, I would not have understood."^[274] Like Confucius, Zichan "argued that government was a craft that required study."^[275] Later Zichan remarked, "Men's minds are different, even as their faces are."^[276]

In 541 two suitors, first cousins, contested marriage to the beautiful sister of Xuwu Fan. Already engaged to the younger You Chu, the woman then received a "betrothal fowl" from a superior officer Gongsun Hei,^[277][278] his agent insisting on its delivery. Alarmed, Xuwu Fan told Zichan who, saying its sorrow reflected the acrimonious domestic affairs in Zheng state; Zichan left the problem to him. The cousins agreed to let the woman decide. Gongsun Hei in "elegant attire" left a gift of cloth and exited. You Chu in military dress shot an arrow to left and to right, sprang to his chariot and left. The woman watched from her chamber. She choose the "manly" You Chu. Gongsun Hei then arranged to meet You Chu. Enraged, he had intended to kill him. You Chu, aware of the danger, came with a dagger-axe. He chased Gongsun Hei to a crossroads, and there wounded him. After Gongsun Hei spoke to high officers of Zheng, telling them he acted in friendship. Zichan found "a measure of right on both sides".^[279] "When both are equally justified, the younger, inferior one bears the blame."^{[280][281][282]}

You Chu was arrested. "The great ordering principles of the state are five," Zichan said: to hold in awe the ruler, to heed his government, to revere the nobles, to serve the elders, to nurture your kin. Gongsun Hei was "a great officer of the 1st degree". You Chu lifted his weapon, while the duke was in the city, against his cousin, his elder, his superior. You Chu was banished. Zichan told him, "Do your best and set out quickly." Before, Zichan had consulted with You Ji, head of You Chu's clan, who agreed that his exile was necessary.^{[283][284][285]} Gongsun Hei the next year died, due to his then several crimes.^[286][287]

Villagers debated Zheng state policies at local meeting places. To the suggestion that these villagers be stopped, Zichan replied, "Why should we do that?" People will freely gather and talk after work. "They are my teachers." Zichan's apparent inclination was to follow what the villagers "deem to be good policies and emend whatever they regard as bad". To diminish resentment Zichan had heard of invoking loyalty, but to use the force of authority "would be like blocking a river". A disaster follows when a great dyke breaks. It is "better that I hear criticism and let it be my medicine". The Zuo Zhuan continues, "Confucius heard this story and remarked, 'Judging from this, when people say that Zichan was not humane, I do not believe it'."^{[288][289][290]} Critics of Zichan differ.^[291][292]

In 537 Zichan increased the land tax.^[293]

In 536 Zichan selectively published Zheng's penal laws.

In 526 Zichan received a request to buy a certain Jade ring from the chief minister of Jin state, Han Qi. Zichan replied that the ring, a "twin", was not in the treasury. Zheng clan leaders then came forward to press Zichan to give it to Han Qi. Zichan responded thoughtfully, after considering how a "border state" keeps its sovereignty. His duty was not to favor the powerful (here Jin state which forced Zheng to pay it tribute), but to follow ritual propriety. Han Qi then said that from a merchant he bought the matching jade ring; however, the merchant insisted on first notifying Zheng state. Zichan now raised the issue of a long-ago covenant made by Duke Huan to Zheng merchants. In time of need, when Zheng moved its capital eastward, worthy merchants had served their state well. Han Qi withdrew his request. Often renewed the old covenant stated,

"You will not rebel... and we will not force you to sell anything... or seize anything from you. You will have your profitable market and your precious goods".^{[294][295][296][297]}

In 522 Zichan "died after an illness of several months". He left his successor You Ji advice on how to run the government of Zheng. "Only one who has virtue is capable of controlling the people by means of leniency. Failing that, nothing is better than harshness". He analogised harsh laws to fire, people feared fire. Water is familiar like leniency, but people drown.^{[298][299][300]} "When Zichan died and Confucius heard of it, he shed tears and said, 'His was a way of cherishing people that was passed down from ancient times'."^[301]

In the hierarchy of Zichan's day, the nobility dominated a much larger rural population based on agriculture.^{[302][303][304]} Yet it was a time of social transformations when the people were becoming more of a political factor that the elites had to somehow acknowledge, or manipulate.^[305][306] Zichan had earned an early reputation as a civic provider for the people's welfare.^{[307][308][309]} In his leadership style Zichan was advanced, in that he reportedly took into account the views or motivations of the nascent soldier-peasants, the common people of Zheng.^{[310][311][312]}

In BCE 541 the Prince of Jin being very ill, the Liege of Zheng, Jian (r.566-530), sent Zichan to Jin on an official visit. Shuxiang, an official, told Zichan that a diviner had diagnosed the Prince as haunted by two spirits, neither known to Jin scribes. Learned in ancient lore, Zichan identified the two spirits, one of a star, the other a neglected ancestor. Yet neither afflicted the prince, said Zichan. Instead poor management of his life-force made the prince ill: (1) of his time each day, of his emotions, his food and drink; and, (2) poor vetting of conflicts re clan origins of his harem ladies, if needed vetting by the tortoise-shell.^[315] Shuxiang and Zichan then talked politics, e.g., about Gongsun Hei of Zheng.^[316] Overhearing their conversation the Jin Prince said of Zichan, "He is a noble man and widely versed in the things of the world", then "rewarded him lavishly".^[317][318] Yet the Jin Prince evidently did not take the cure.^[319]

Zichan in his conduct of state affairs, paid respect to popular religious values and loyalties. Yet Zichan apparently also kept abreast of the nascent attitude about Heaven, that appropriate behaviour should conform to moral norms as understood among human beings, rather than to unknowable mysteries.^[320] Zichan demonstrated concern for the afterlife of ancestors, including ghosts.

In 536 in Zheng "someone dreamed that Liang Xiao walked in armour" and threatened to kill the Si lineage head on a certain day, and the next year the Feng lineage head. Liang Xiao was deceased, a minister, but an alcoholic; he had died in 543 during fierce fighting between the Si clan and the Liang clan. "The people of Zheng spooked one another with tales of Liang Xiao". On the day so said the Si clan chief died. Later the Feng chief fell dead. City inhabitants became frightened, then terrified. To "sooth the people" and calm the ghost, Zichan established positions for the family of Xiang Xiao.^{[321][322][323]}

The haunting stopped. You Ji questioned Zichan, who replied: "When a ghost has a place to go, it does not become an evil spirit." As to the official positions for the unfit family members who lacked propriety, to Zichan it was a minor violation. "I did it to please the people," he said. "We who are in charge of government [must] curry favour, for lacking favour, we will have no credibility. Without credibility, the people will not follow us."^[324][325]

"Whatever his own beliefs about the existence of these ghosts, Zichan shows here a canny ability to maintain the balance of power among noble lineages and to manipulate public opinion by appearing to appease the spirits of his enemies."^[326]

Later Zichan was asked about whether Liang Xiao was still able to be a ghost. His powerful family, Zichan replied, had "held the handle of government for three generations" so that his very strong vitality made a capable aura-soul. His violent death may trigger a ghost, that may possess another person, becoming a demon.^[327]

In 535 the Jin Prince was ill for three months. Zichan was told by a Jin official that the Prince "dreamed of a tawny bear" perhaps vengeful. Zichan identified the bear as the spirit of Gun, father of the sage-king Yu. The Xia, Shang and Zhou dynasties all made him offerings. Jin state then made the spirit an offering. The Prince rallied, and then gave Zichan two cauldrons.^{[328][329][330]}

In 525 a comet appeared. Pi Zao, Zheng's Master of Divination, warned Zichan of a great fire. "If we offer a pouring vessel and a jade ladle, Zheng is certain not to have a fire." Zichan disagreed, refused.^[331][332] In 524 fires burned in neighbouring states. Pi Zao, supported by Zheng nobles, requested a sacrifice but Zichan refused, saying to a minister, "The Way of Heaven is far away. . . . How can we know anything of it? In truth this fellow only talks a lot. [Yet by luck] he might be right... ." As the fires approached Zichan ordered safety measures across the city. Then the military "took up positions along the path of the fire". Invocators addressed water and fire spirits. Houses burned, whose owners were given tax relief and building materials. For three days there was wailing, and the city markets did not open. Later Zichan told Jin state officials, "we were fortunate enough not to perish".^{[333][334][335][336]}

In 523 a great flood hit Zheng. By the capital's south gate, a pool formed where dragons fought. People asked for an expiatory sacrifice, which Zichan refused. "When we fight, dragons take no notice, so why should we... when dragons fight? [T]he water is their home."^{[337][338][339][340]}

Prof. Hsiao, in a discussion of "ancient religious practices honoring gods and spirits", and of the declining "role of the irrational" during the Warring States period, comments on Zichan (Tzu-ch'an) per the two episodes (the comet and the dragons) above.

"In the Spring and Autumn Period there occasionally appeared some individuals capable of casting off superstition. Tzu-ch'an of the state of Cheng refused believe in spirits. When Pei-tsao [Pi Zao] told him that a certain comet portended a conflagration, he replied: 'The way of heaven is distant, while the way of man is near. We cannot reach to the former; what means have we of knowing it?'"^[341][342]

In Zheng a text attributed to Zichan discussed the soul and survival. Humans each have two souls: the material p'o exists from sperm; after birth the aerial hun appears from breath, little by little. In life joined, the two separate after death. The material "follows the body into the tomb" and the aerial subsists free. Each soul seeks to "support its spectral life" hence the living care for the dead, who become their guardians. If starving, however, the soul turns to brigandage to survive.^{[343][344][345]}

The royal Zhou's cultural dominance receded.^[346] The predominately rural people of the vassal states began to align more with the fruitfulness and vitality of their farm lands, rather than the fading charisma of capital aristocrats and clan leaders.^[347][348] Hence the declining status of urban shrines to the Zhou lineage. The countryside "altars of soil and grain" began to gain popularity.^{[349][350][351]} In 524 because of the great fire, Zichan had "made a great altar of earth and performed exorcisms in four directions".^{[352][353][354]}

The Zuo Zhuan mentions a summer meeting between the states in 517 BC five years after Zichan died. The Jin minister inquired about ceremony and li (ritual propriety) to an official of Zheng; he recalls a speech by "our former high officer" Zichan. The Zuo Zhuan quotes Zichan at length, in the ancient book's "grandest exposition of ritual and its role in ordering human life in accordance with cosmic principles", write the modern translators.^{[355][356][357][358][359]} Prof. Fung comments on Zichan's views: "The idea expressed here... is that the practical value of ceremonials and music, punishments and penalties, lies in preventing the people from falling into disorder, and that these have originated from man's capacity for imitating Heaven and Earth."^[360]

In 543 the clan leader Liang Xiao of Zheng, a drunkard, got involved in a violent dispute with a rival clan. He lost his life in battle. Zichan had refused to support him against his deadly rivals; however, Zichan personally saw to it that he received his proper rites of burial.^[361][362]

Also in 543, a leader of the Feng clan asked Zichan for permission to go hunting in preparation for a sacrifice. Zichan refused, saying that for sacrifice "A ruler alone uses animals fresh from a hunt". Furious, the Feng clan began forming a military force to attack. Zichan was set to flee to Jin state, but the Zheng prime minister Han Hu (Zi Pi) stopped him. Instead the Feng leader had to flee to Jin. Three years latter, Zichan let Feng Juan return to Zheng, and gave him back his estate, his lands and accrued income.^[363]

The early ambition of Zheng's political leadership seemed similar to other Zhou vassals, to strengthen the state and expand its territory. Initially triumphant, it became the leading state c.700. Such status did not last. Zheng's strategic position had powerful neighbours who hemmed it in on all sides, blocking its potential for competitive expansion.^[364]

Zichan acted like a highly skilled realist in state-to-state politics. When the State of Jin tried to interfere in Zheng's internal affairs after the death of a Zheng minister, Zichan was aware of the danger. He argued that if Zheng allowed Jin to determine the minister's successor, Zheng lose its sovereignty. He eventually convinced Jin not to interfere in Zheng affairs.^[365]

In 548 Zheng state invaded Chen.^[366]

In 546 an interstate peace conference was held, in order to negotiate peaceful relations between a northern league headed by Jin, and southern league of Chu. An unsteady armistice was reached. In this new balance of power, Zichan excelled in statecraft and became widely known for his political skills.^{[367][368][369]}

In 536, an embassy of Chu travelling to the state of Jin intended to cross over the territory of Zheng. Chu and Jin were the very powerful neighbours of Zheng, to the south and to the north. They were met at the border by Zheng officials including Zichan, who required them to swear an oath to do no harm within Zheng's borders. This was standard diplomatic protocol as proscribed in ritual texts.^{[370][371][372]}

In 529 Zichan attended the conference of states at Pingqiu called by Jin state.^[373][374]

Zichan's general view was to allow in most cases the common people of Zheng to "free discussion of his policies" in their local schools. He excepted, however, discussion of relations with neighbouring states, which too often would lead to 'hot-headed' notions that courted disaster. In such matters that required the subtle use of reason, Zichan "failed to shake off the prejudice of the nobleman."^[375]

Zichan's political thinking is known from his work as minister of state. The kernels of his thought are found in the historical record. His near contemporary Confucius mentioned him. In the centuries following his death, several Warring States philosophers wrote of him, suggesting contexts for his points of view. In his lifetime Zichan's public life resulted in a reputation that endured in ancient Chinese political thought.^{[376][377][378]}

During the course of the Spring and Autumn period when Zichan was minister "the old order broke down". The people "were bewildered by the lack of standards for settling disputes and maintaining harmonious relationships." The old clan-based hereditary houses, still nominally in power, were losing their social status while appointed state ministers became the new dominant authorities. The resulting regimes were often fragmented internally, divided and conflicted. War between the states also increased in frequency. The changing statecraft of the era was confused, no longer enjoying traditional sanction. The social instability and state upheavals seemed to compel a search for innovation, a fundamental change.^[379][380]

Zichan is "depicted in the [Zuo Zhuan] as one of the wisest men of his time, and also as a leading statesman in the small ancient state of [Zheng], which was under constant threat of extinction by its powerful neighbours". Evidently in his person Zichan practised the traditional li ceremonies and elite virtues of the fading Zhou dynasty (whose ideals were endorsed by Confucius). In his political craft, however, Han-era historians could see him as able to anticipate the later Legalist philosophy of the Warring States period, i.e., skillful in the promulgation and enforcement of newly articulated laws. Such enforced obedience to state-wide standards would better secure the political control of events by the ministers.^[381][382]

The Zuo Zhuan quotes at length from the words spoken by Zichan. His thoughts tended to separate the distant domains of Heaven and the near domain of the human world. He argued against superstition and acted to curb the authority of the Master of Divination. He counselled the people to follow their reason and experience. Heaven's way is distant and difficult to grasp; while the human way is near at hand.^{[383][384][385]}

Confucius (551-479 BC) was almost 30 when Zichan died. Only after Zichan's generation did Confucius, an unsuccessful office seeker, but an independent, private teacher, establish in China the prized literary tradition of individual authorship. Confucius thus left us his views in collected writings and created a school of disciples, unlike Zichan who served his city-state as an active office holder.^[387]

As a near contemporary of Zichan, Confucius was "born in [this] period of great political and social change", a centuries-long revolutionary "upheaval caused by forces beyond his control and already under way." Prof. Creel notes scholarly speculation about the original sources Confucius drew upon to create his teachings. The Zuo Zhuan quotes at length "several statesmen who, living shortly before Confucius... expressed ideas remarkably like his." They were "advanced in their thinking".^[388]

The Han historian Sima Qian in his formidable text the Shiji lists Zichan as one of the six teachers of Confucius.^[389][390]

There were, of course, issues on which Zichan and Confucius did not agree. Confucius, then only 15, did not comment when Zichan caused the laws of Zheng to be published in 536.^[391][392] Yet when later in 513 the neighbouring city-state of Jin published its laws, Confucius clearly made known his strong opposition. Such actions undercut the traditional authority of the Zhou-dynasty kings and the city-state nobles who ruled in their name, which scheme of governance Confucius consistently idealised.^[393][394]

Another area of disagreement touched on the human capacity to draw insights from observing society. Confucius taught about an ability to discern, from today's repetition of civic events, the distant future. By careful observation, change in the customary rites of a dynasty can indicate the course of its social history many generations hence.^{[395][396][397][398]} Zichan, however, at a decisive moment of political conflict, was known to confess that he was not talented enough to make such future predictions. So he tailored his decision only for the people of Zheng then living.^[399]

According to the Lunyu, Confucius nonetheless spoke well of Zichan. In his personal conduct and attitudes, Zichan seemed to represent the traditional virtues Confucius advocated.

The Master said of Tsze-ch'an that he had four of the characteristics of a superior man: in his conduct of himself, he was humble; in serving his superiors, he was respectful; in nourishing the people, he was kind; in ordering the people, he was just."^[400][401]

The Lüshi Chunqiu paired Confucius and Zichan (who in this translation is called 'Prince Chan'). Both are praised as talented state ministers who led their countries to significant achievements. Both became regarded as successful governors who directed others to accomplish administrative tasks.^[402]

The Zuo Zhuan, following more or less a quasi-Confucian point of view, documents many episodes featuring the activities of Zichan as the minister of Zheng. In general, Zichan is presented in a favourable light.^[403]

The Mengzi of Mencius, fourth century (Warring States period), refers to Zichan. A perplexed disciple questions Mencius about the conduct of Shun, one of the legendary sage kings. Shun's hostile parents and family lied to him. Shun mistakenly believed them, but he did not reveal a corrupt nature thereby. Shun believed their lies because of his regard for his parents. A life of virtue is then discussed.

Mencius compared sage king Shun here to a story about Zichan, when he had believed a dishonest servant. Zichan had given his groundkeeper a live fish to keep in a pond; instead he cooked and ate it. He later told Zichan the fish was alive and swimming in the pond. Zichan was happy that the fish "found his place". Hearing this from Zichan, the servant mocked his reputation for wisdom. But not Mencius, who concluded: "Thus a noble man may be taken in by what is right, but he cannot be misled by what is contrary to the way".^{[404][405][406]}

Yet Mengzi in another episode disapproved of Zichan's 'small kindness'. The head of the Zheng government Zichan, it was reported, used to carry people across the rivers in his own carriage. Mengzi wrote, "He was kind but did not understand how to govern." Better it would be to get the bridges in good repair so the people not need wade across the rivers.^[407][408]

In 354 Shen Buhai^[409] (c.400-337)^[410] became chancellor of Han state. Before 403 Han had been one of three rebel, clan-ruled vassal provinces of Jin (W-G: Chin); it got state status from the Partition of Jin.^[411][412] In 375 Han conquered its neighbour Zheng (W-G: Cheng),^[413][414] where Shen Buhai had been born.

"The most famous man of Cheng was the statesman Tzu-ch'an, who controlled its government from 543 B.C. until his death in 522. . . . In some respects the role of Tzu-Ch'an in Cheng resembled that which Shen Pu-hai would play in Han two centuries later."^[415]

Shen Buhai's "talent in statecraft" enabled him to "live quite well" during the Warring States period. Then the seven states were engaged in a fierce, all-consuming competition to survive. To become "strong in war" required "becoming strong in organisation, population, and production". Effective rulers benefited from ministers or advisers with such skill and experience. A state's prestige was in fact celebrated by presence at court of political philosophers whose statecraft had been verified by success.^[416]

Shen Buhai's contemporary was Shang Yang the legalist.^[417][418] In their comparison, Han Fei distinguished two styles of government. The use of law (fa) to control people's conduct (which might be used to restrict activity to agriculture and war). The use of technique (shù)^[419] to manage through tact and formality, the personnel of government ministries (bureaucratic administration).^{[420][421][422][423]} In this sense Shen Buhai did not follow legalism (fa) per se, but rather the use of technique (shù).^[424][425] Zichan, however, appears as an early exemplar of employing both evolving styles.^[426]

Acclaimed by his adherents as the best minister at implementing legalism during the Warring States period, Shang Yang (c.390-338) did not mention Zichan in his writings. A major theme in Shang's politics was focus on agriculture and war, to the exclusion of all else,^[427] to strengthen his Qin state in order to dominate all its rivals.^{[428][429][430]}

Zichan, of a different age, was not so narrowly focused. He aspired to foster the virtues of traditional rites, by fa and shù he kept Zheng state rather fit,^[431] with diplomacy he parried rival states, his government made room for merchants, the people of Zheng discussed his policies, along the way he accumulated a reputation in good standing.^{[432][433][434]}

A follower of Confucius, Xunzi (c.310-238) advanced the doctrine. He crafted a philosophical framework (filtered by Taoism and Legalism) to nest the teachings of the Rújiā. Differing with Mencius, Xunzi concluded that our human nature was not good to start, but we needed to be guided by education and nourished by the rites of li.^{[435][436][437]}

In discussing the life of Confucius, Xunzi mentioned 'an official act of Zichan' that contributed to a precedent Confucius chose to follow.^[438]

In his first few days as prime minister of Lu, Confucius ordered the execution of a well-known person. His followers questioned the harsh act. In affirming his decision, Confucius gave five reason that justified putting a man to death (e.g., his "speaking falsely and arguing well" or his doing "what is wrong and making it seem smooth"). Confucius is said to have had a short list of historical examples (given in the Xunzi) of justified executions, included as the sixth and last: "Zichan executed Deng Xi".^{[439][440][441]}

Also about Zichan, Xunzi wrote; "Zichan was a person who won over the people, but he never went as far as making government work."^[442] Xunzi's opinion may be attributed to Zichan in his traditional role as a Zhou-era ruler who established a personal model for his people to cultivate, and acted directly like a benevolent father. This role opposed the legalist conception where the ruler held authority, whose connections to the people all passed through competent officials who administered the laws, which alone set the standards of behavior. Official enforcement of law caused the government to work.^[443][444]

Once taught by Xunzi, Han Feizi (c.280-233) became the premier legalist philosopher.^[445] His life was difficult, ended in tragedy. Of the nobility of Han state,^[446] his gift for political affairs was recognized despite his stutter. But the corrupt Duke of Han ignored him. So Han Fei migrated to Qin state. Its powerful ruler Qin Shi Huang (259-210) had greatly admired his writing. A classmate of his youth, however, the legalist Li Si,^[447] was active in Qin. Li Si poisoned Han Fei's chances by claiming he was a spy from Han.^[448][449]

Zichan appeared from time to time in the text Han Feizi (written by Han Fei and others). Three different passages refer to Zichan's effective method of handling 'litigants' or 'suspects' to get at the truth. Zichan "separated them and never allowed them to speak to each other. Then he inverted their words and told each the other's arguments and thereby found the vital facts involved in the case."^[450][451]

Han Fei observed that "when prestige in a royal house is low" ministers utter few "upright words". If "self-seeking" prevails, few will seek merit or serve "the public". As an example: "when Zǐ Chǎn sincerely advised the monarch" he was "angrily rebuked" by his father Zǐ Guó.^{[452][453][454]} Han Fei later added: Ziguo told Zichan his loyalty to the state was "an act sharply different" from other ministers. If the sovereign is "worthy and enlightened" he will listen to you. If not, you are left "estranged" and "endangered", and "your father, too".^[455][456]

Even as a critic of Zichan it seems Han Fei sensed his abiding significance. In the composite Han Feizi, in making a point about the people, Zichan is placed in equal stead to the esteemed Yu, a legendary sage king and founder of the Xia dynasty.^[457][458] "Yu profited the whole world, [Zichan] preserved the state of [Zheng], yet both men suffered slander... ." The Han Feizi concludes that an able ruler knows: (a) "the wisdom of the people is not sufficient to be of use" for governing, (b) "to try to please the people [is the cause] of confusion", and (c) the people "are of no help in ensuring good [political order]".^[459][460]

Yet in opposing here a Confucian teaching, i.e., that a contented yet lively people indicates good government,^[461] Han Fei may have breached his own doctrine about following the facts.^[462] Although Zichan did raise the land tax against popular opposition, he also spoke about the political advantage of a public favourable (even if irrationally) to state leaders.^[463] In putting down a clan revolt, it was with public support.^[464] He did know how to punish.^[465] Although the people initially complained of his reforms, a few years later they praised him.^[466] By publishing the Zheng's penal laws, the people benefitted.^[467] Zichan was widely considered a popular minister.^{[468][469][470]}

Shortly before death Zichan advised his successor as prime minister to skillfully punish offenders to preserve good order for the people.^[471][472] In Han Fei, "fire appears severe, wherefore people rarely get burned".^[473][474]

Obscure in origin the Liezi became widely admired, a book of "stories and philosophical musings" collected over several centuries.^{[476][477][478]} A "considerable secondary literature" resulted in part from its authenticity being challenged. During the Tang dynasty the Liezi was deemed the third of three Taoist classics, after the Tao Te Ching and the Zhuangzi.^[479][480] Its nominal author Lie Yukou (fl. 400 BCE) was "a real or imaginary hero of Chuang-tzu's anecdotes". He reportedly hailed from Zichan's own state of Zheng.^{[481][482][483]}

In context of early Taoism of Zhuang Zhou, "Lieh Tzu could ride upon the wind... and return in fifteen days."^[484][485] The notion of a mystic gnosis by the Taoist perfect man is presented in "the famous mystic Lieh-tzu, [yet] treated by Chuang-tzu somewhat suspiciously as a man inclined to use his spiritual power to display himself and to control the world through his charismatic magic."^[486]

The Liezi gives two stories about Deng Xi's rivalry with Zichan.^[487] Both occur in the state of Zheng, and appear to illustrate life principles.

From chapter six, "Endeavour and Destiny", this episode first addresses the rivalry in Zheng between Zichan and Deng Xi (called here Teng Hsi). Its second half (omitted here) discusses how to manage life and death, suffering and change.

Graham's translation differs in detail from Wong's version.^[488] Of the rivalry, telescoped renderings are given here, first Graham's, then Wong's.

Deng Xi liked to argue what was ambiguous. He wrote a code of laws, yet he attacked the chief minister, Zichan. The state adopted the laws, Zichan accepted the criticism, then suddenly had Deng Xi executed. "They could not have acted otherwise."^[489]

Deng Xi liked to find fault, to stir up conflict among his colleagues in the government. Zichan ruled Zheng and to control crime enacted stricter laws. All were agreeable except Deng Xi. He attacked Zichan and his laws, so that officials split into two hostile camps. Without warning, Zichan had Deng Xi executed. "Things could not have happened otherwise... given the natural dispositions of the two men."^[490]

The modern consensus for dating events in ancient China seems to place Zichan's death in 522, and to place Deng Xi's execution in 501, twenty-one years later.^[491][492] Yet the Liezi makes a telling exemplar of their rivalry, which ends in the sudden execution.^[493][494] The Lushi Chunqiu states:

When Prince Chan governed Zheng, Deng Xi strove to disrupt things. . . . Thus, wrong was taken to be right, and right was taken to be wrong. With no standard of what was right and wrong, what was permissible and impermissible varied each day. . . . The state of Zheng fell into complete chaos, and the populace clamored. Prince Chan, troubled by this turn of events, had Deng Xi executed.^[495]

Opinions among scholars vary. "Car, si bon de le disent les auteurs Han, ils insistent bien sur le fait qu'il sut châtier. Une seule fois, c'est vrai, mais c'est bien le caractère unique de l'exécution de Deng Xi... qui la rend, tout la fois, admissible, efficace et nécessaire."^[496][497]

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v t e

This episode is from chapter seven, entitled "Yang Chu", a chapter considered markedly different than the rest of the Liezi.^[498][499] Yang Zhu (c.440-360) founded the philosophical school of Yangism,^[500][501] which flourished for a time during the Warring States period. Contra the more optimistic Confucius who focused on social norms and community service, Yang Chu held negative views of life, yet taught an individual's cultivation of the ego. Such inner personal development was coherent with Taoism. Although Taoism did not teach simple hedonism, nor did Yang Chu,^[502][503] 'his' Liezi chapter clearly adopts a hedonism.^[504][505] Elsewhere in the Liezi, however, hedonism is explicitly criticised.^[506][507] In this episode, the attack on Zichan also seems to strike at Confucius.^[508][509]

Zichan's success as Zheng minister led him to ponder his two wayward brothers, each a mark of failure in his family. He confided his unease with Deng Xi, who encouraged him to 'put things straight'.

His elder brother Chao was a drunk, with his own rice-beer brewery; his constant intoxication was wrecking his health and fortune. Younger brother Mu, a libertine, kept many young beautiful women; obsessed with his sex life, he was careless of all else.

Zichan met with them. Reason and foresight, morals and reputation are more important to the good life, he said, than feelings of the moment. If so, he'd offer them responsible, well-rewarded positions.

Mocking him, his brothers said they'd chosen to follow the true path of their human desires. Better, they said, than his way of pandering to the world and doing violence to his natural self. Pleasure and happiness beat reputation and a disagreeable life. If all followed nature, no need for government.

Later Zichan told Deng Xi what happened. Chao and Mu are the true sages of your family, Deng Xi replied; and the welfare of Zheng was not in fact Zichan's doing, but luck.^{[510][511][512]}

The multitude of assembled narratives found in the Zuo Zhuan recount several centuries in the ancient history of central China. The text self-presents as an expanded Commentary on the cryptically succinct Spring and Autumn Annals of the state of Lu, which cover the Spring and Autumn period, i.e., the years 722 to 481. Its author in traditional lore, Zuo Qiuming, was said to be a contemporary of Confucius. Current consensus dates the text to the 4th century BCE.^[513][514]

The Zuo Zhuan appears to derive from a variety of sources, and "the ongoing integration of interpretive and informative layers".^[515] There are surviving texts of several other ancient commentaries on the Annals of Lu state. Mention is also made of an "Annals of Zheng".^{[516][517][518]}

"De nombreux épisodes du Zuozhuan mettent en scène Zichan, cette grande figure de la fin des Printemps et Autumns."^[519] From the perspective of the school of Confucius, the character of Zichan in the Zuo Zhuan is often depicted in an attractive light.^[520] Zichan here approaches the ideal realisation of the virtues of Zhou-era "nobility".^[521]

Professor Schwartz in summarising his understanding of Zichan's career, draws on a point of view derived from the future development of ancient Chinese political thinking, during the Warring States Period. Accordingly, he places a different spin on the appraisal of his achievements:

[Zichan] is depicted in the [Zuo Zhuan] as one of the wisest men of his time, and also as a leading statesman in the small ancient state of [Zheng]... . He is depicted as a man who exemplifies the virtuous practice of li in his personal life, and as such, he enjoys the admiration of Confucius himself. Yet as an active statesman he is depicted as single-mindedly bent on assuring the survival of [Zheng]. While Confucius... [holds] his more universalist and moralistic perspective... . . . [Zichan] no longer seems to believe that the sincere practice of li can alone [be enough]. [T]he bonds of li had not prevented murderous and anarchic conflicts among the members of the dominant lineages and local nobility. Anarchy was evidently rife among the people [who worked in] a chaotic agrarian situation. . . . [Zichan's reform program] seems to anticipate the fully developed Legalist programs of later times... .^[522]

• Zuo Zhuan (Commentary of Zuo), concerning the Spring and Autumn period,^[523] translated as:
  • The Ch'un Ts'ew^[524] with the Tso Chuen (London: Henry Frowde 1872),^[525] tr. by James Legge;
  • The Tso chuan. Selections from China's Oldest Narrative History (1989),^[526] tr. by Burton Watson;
  • The Zuo Tradition (1989), 3 vols.,^[527] tr. by Stephen Durrant, Li Wai-yee, David Schaberg;
    • Zuo Tradition/Zuozhuan Reader. Selections (2020), by Durrant, Li, & Schaberg.^[528]
• Shijing (or Maoshi), tr. as The Book of Odes by Karlgren,^[529] as The Book of Songs by Waley,^[530] as The Chinese Shi King by Jennings.^[531][532]
• Shujing, tr. as The Most Venerable Book (Shang Shu) by Martin Palmer,^[533] as Shu Ching. Book of History by Clae Waltham & Legge.^[534]
• Lunyu of Kong Fuzi, translated as Analects of Confucius: Legge (1861, 1893),^[535] Waley (1938), Ames (1998),^[536] Brooks (1998).^[537][538]
• Liezi,^[539][540] translated as The Book of Lieh-Tzu by A. C. Graham,^[541] version by Eva Wong.^[542]
• Zhuangzi, tr. by Brook Ziporyn;^[543] as Chuang-tzu by Burton Watson,^[544] by A. C. Graham.^[545]
• 6: The Mengzi,^[546][547] the Shang Jun Shu,^[548][549] the Xunzi,^{[550][551][552]} the Han Feizi,^{[553][554][555]} (Warring States^[556] philosophy); Sunzi (earlier military tract);^[557][558] and, *Zichan (bamboo text, newly found).^[559]
• Lüshi Chunqiu, tr. as The Annals of Lü Buwei (Stanford University 2001) by Knoblock & Riegel.^[560]
• Shiji by Sima Qian, English translations:
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  • Records of the Grand Historian of China. ...the Shih Chi of Ssu-Ma Ch'ien (1961), by Watson.^[563]
    • Confucius and Confucianism (New York: Harcourt, Brace 1931), by Wilhelm.^[564][565]

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• Creel, H. G., Confucius and the Chinese way (New York: John Day 1949, reprint: Harper, NY 1960).
• Creel, Herrlee G., The Origins of Statecraft in China, (University of Chicago 1970).
• Creel, Herrlee G., Shen Pu-hai. A political philosopher of the fourth century B.C. (U. of Chicago 1974)
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• Falkenhausen, Lothar von, Chinese Society in the Age of Confucius (1000-250 BC). The archaeological evidence (UCLA 2006).
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• Hsiao, Kung-chuan, Chung-kuo Cheng-chih ssh-hsiang-shih (Shanghai 1945-46); A History of Chinese Political Thought, vol. 1 (Princeton University 1979), tr. by Mote
• Hsu Cho-yun, Ancient China in transition. An analysis of social mobility, 722-222 B.C. (Stanford University 1965)
• Hu Shih, The development of logical method in ancient China, (Shanghai 1922; NY: Paragon 1963, r.2020)
• Jiang Tao, Origins of Moral-Political Philosophy in Early China (Oxford University 2021).
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• Lewis, Mark Edward, Sanctioned violence in early China (State University of New York 1990).
• Lewis, Mark Edward, Writing and Authority in early China, (State University of New York 1999).
• Lewis, Mark Edward, Honor and Shame in early China (Cambridge University 2021).
• Li Feng, Early China. A social and cultural history (Cambridge University 2013).
• Li Jun, Chinese civilization in the making, 1766-221 (New York: St. Martin's 1996).
• Lu Xing, Rhetoric in Ancient China (University of South Carolina 1998).
• Maspero, Henri, La Chine antique (Paris 1927, 1965); China in Antiquity (U. of Massachusetts 1978) tr. by Kierman.
• Mou Zhongjian & Zhang Jian, Handbook of history of religions in China ([2015]; Stuttgart: ibidem 2020).
• Pines, Yuri, Foundations of Confucian thought: Intellectual life in Chunqiu period, 722-453 (U. of Hawaii 2002).
• Poo Mu-chou, In Search of Personal Welfare. A view of ancient Chinese religion (SUNY 1998).
• Rubin, Vitaly A., Ideologiia i kul'tura drevnego kitaia (Moscow 1970); Individual & State in Ancient China (NY: Columbia Univ. 1976).
• Schwartz, Benjamin I., The World of Thought in Ancient China (Harvard University 1985).
• Su Li, The Constitution of Ancient China (Princeton University 2018).
• Sun Zhenbin, Language, Discourse, and Praxis in Ancient China * (Springer 2015).
• Van Norden, Intro. to Classical Chinese Philosophy (Indianapolis: Hackett 2011).
• Waley, Arthur, The Nine Songs (London: George Allen & Unwin 1955; reprint: City Lights, San Francisco 1973).
• Waley, Arthur, Three Ways of Thought in Ancient China (London 1939, reprint Stanford 1982).
• Walker, Robert Louis, The Multi-state System of Ancient China. (Hamden: Shoestring 1953; Greenwood 1971).
• Wang Haicheng, Writing and the Ancient State. Early China in comparative perspective (Cambridge Univ. 2014).
• Wang Hui, The Rise of Modern Chinese Thought ([2004]; Harvard University 2023), ed. Hill.
• Welch, Holmes, Taoism. The parting of the way (Boston: Beacon 1957, 1965).
• Wieger, Leon, Histoire des Croyances religieuses et des opinions philosophiques en Chine (Xian 1917, Shanghai 1922), tr. as A History of Religious Beliefs... (Peking 1927, reprint Paragon 1969).
• Zhang Jinfan, The tradition and modern transition of Chinese Law (Heidelberg: Springer 1997, 2d 2005, 3d 2008).
• Zhao Dingxin, The Confucian-Legalist State. A new theory of Chinese history (Oxford U. 2015).
  • Cheng K'o-tang, Tzu-ch'an p'ing chuan (Shanghai 1941).
  • Jen Fangqiu, Zichan (Zhengzhou 1987).

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• Hundred Schools of Thought
• Traditional Chinese law
• Ancient Chinese political systems
• Interstate relations during the Spring and Autumn period
• Ancient Chinese states
• Duke Huan of Zheng
• Duke Zhuang of Zheng
• Zheng Mao
• Deng Xi
• Shen Buhai
• Chinese nobility
• Outline of ancient China