This article is about ethnic Somali clans also native to other areas in the Horn of Africa other than Somalia. For all the regions inhabited by Somalis, see Greater Somalia.
Somali clans (Somali: Qabaa'ilka Soomaalida; Arabic: القبائل الصومالية, romanized: al-Qabāyỉl al-Sūmālīā) are patrilineal kinship groups based on agnatic descent of the Somali people.[1][2][3] Tradition and folklore connects the origin of the Somali population by language and way of life, and societal organisations, by customs, and by a feeling of belonging to a broader family among individuals from the Arabian Peninsula.[4][5][6]
The Somali people are a Muslimethnoreligious group native to the Horn of Africa.[7] Predominantly of Cushitic ancestry, they are segmented into clan groupings which are important kinship units that play a central part in Somali culture and politics. Clan families are patrilineal and are divided into clans, primary lineages or subclans, and dia-paying kinship groups. The clan symbolise the utmost kinship level. It possesses territorial properties and is commonly governed by a Sultan. Primary lineages are directly derived from the clans, and are exogamous political entities with no officially appointed leader. They constitute the division level that an individual typically indicates he or she is affiliated with, with the founding forefather reckoned to between six and ten generations.[5][8]
The Somali people are mainly divided among five patrilineal clans, the Hawiye, Darod, Rahanweyn, Dir, and Isaaq.[9] The average person is able to trace his/her ancestry generations back. Somali clans in contemporary times have an established official structure in the country's political system, acknowledged by a mathematical formula for equitably distributing seats between the clans in the Federal Parliament of Somalia.[10][11][12]
Somali clans were founded by various patriarchs who came to Africa following the emergence of Islam, and they are linked to the propagation of the religion in the Somali Peninsula. The traditions of descent from noble forefathers from Quraysh set the Somalis further apart from other neighbouring ethnic groups.[13][14][15][16]
The Somali people historically inhabit a region that extends from the Indian Ocean to the elevated terrains of eastern Ethiopia, and from the Gulf of Aden to the northern regions of Kenya. They represent the most extensive demographic group within the Horn of Africa. From an ethnological perspective, Somalis are classified as a segmentary society. This classification indicates that they are subdivided into numerous segments or lineages predicated upon genealogical proximity to a shared ancestor. Layered in all aspects of life, the clan is both a tool for identification and a way of life. Clans define the relationship between people and all actors in Somalia.[17][18][page needed]
The principal organizing tenet of the Somali clan system is the concept of patrilineal descent, referred to locally as 'Abtirsi' (Iitt. 'the counting of fathers').[19][20] This notion encapsulates a minimal yet collectively recognized framework for understanding the structure and hierarchy of genealogical relationships among Somalis, ranging from the four primary clan families to their respective sub-lineages, which represent the most basic acknowledged units.[18][page needed][20]
“It will now be clear that a Somali genealogy is not only a family tree conserving the historical origins of a group. In the sphere of politics, its significance lies in the fact that it represents the political affiliations of individuals and groups. By reference to his ancestors, a man’s relations with others are defined — or at least circumscribed.”[21]
The Somali concept of ‘Abtirsi’ refers to a systematically organized lineage-based registry or list of paternal ancestors among Somalis.[19][23] This lineage starts with the individual’s father and extends to include the grandfather, great-grandfather, and so forth, ultimately culminating at the patriarch of the broader clan-family from which the individual is descended.[24] Although it is feasible to trace lineage beyond this juncture, the patriarch of the clan family, typically an Islamicsheikh denoting the importance of Islam, usually represents the terminus of such genealogical lines. Occasionally, this genealogy may also incorporate 'uterine' connections, which are grouped descendants of the male progenitor through a female spouse, thereby indicating the alliances formed by the descendants of that male ancestor by virtue of a shared mother.[20] The Somali clan system is structured hierarchically, with five primary tiers of divisions (tol) identified, commencing from the top: the clan-family; the clans; the sub-clans; the lineages; and the sub-lineages or dia-paying groups.[18][page needed] Within the latter category, additional levels may be delineated. Over time, the parameters of inclusion undergo alterations, whereby sub-lineages may evolve into lineages. This is attributable to the fluctuations in the growth and decline of lineages and clans. As time progresses and demographic changes transpire, new units may emerge (diverge) from pre-existing ones, while earlier entities are condensed, a process that involves concentrating attention exclusively on prominent individuals within one's genealogical framework often referred to as 'Telescoping'.[20]
"The idea that the relationships must be there if only one can establish them is very powerful. It has the compelling force that great simplifying ideas have: it is so logical that it must be true" (Virginia Luling; 2006: 474)
— Virginia Luling
The terms 'clan-family', 'clan', 'sub-clan', or 'lineage' lack universally recognized equivalents in the Somali language. They are predominantly 'emic' formal designations. Consequently, this may give rise to a growing degree of ambiguity regarding the intermediate segmentation for external observers. Among Somalis, the term for clan is frequently denoted by the Arabic word 'Qabiil'. Thus, some individuals may perceive the endeavor of constructing a comprehensive Somali genealogy as misdirected or fruitless. Conversely, others may find themselves motivated to contemplate the intricacies of clan-line classification or to investigate historical and contemporary relationships among clans, clan names, and their intermingling and amalgamation as influenced by historical and socio-political dynamics.[20]
"Somalis themselves are very much busy with this idea and cherish it as a cultural ideology."[20]
The clan represents the highest degree of familial affiliation. It holds territorial properties and is typically overseen by a Sultan. Clans possess ancestral lands, which are associated with the migratory patterns of the Somali populace throughout their historical narrative. Each clan is administered by its designated leader and supported by its council of elders, with land being communally owned and overseen.[25] Various Somali clans utilise distinct titles for their leaders, including Sultan,[26]Emir, Imam,[27]Ugaas,[26] and Garaad.[28] Clan leadership may be hereditary, or leaders may be elected by the council of elders composed of representatives from diverse clan lineages. The leaders of these clans fulfill both religious and political responsibilities.[25] Although a historically ingrained socio-cognitive 'schema' exists among many Somalis concerning lineage, which delineates the various clan groups and 'tribes' that occupied specific territories and held (historical) claims therein, constructing an accurate genealogical tree would be unfeasible due to several factors, including the aforementioned 'telescoping.'[20]
Somalis maintain a traditional attachment to territories where their kin are presumed to be more populous. To this day, the majority of Somalis still depend on patrilineal clan relatives for assistance and identification.[17] The degree of assistance rendered by one's clan is contingent upon the level of segmentation. At the more advanced levels of segmentation, particularly at the clan-family tier, there is no longer a guarantee of cohesion or collective action in particular instances.[20] In contemporary Somalia, the clan system exists in tandem with modern forms of societal and political organization. The reconfiguration and reassignment of responsibilities from traditional leaders to the judiciary, such as customary norms and laws, have altered the status and role of leaders within their communities.[25] The Somali clan system is often referred to as an obstacle to the state building efforts in Somalia.[29] The reasoning is aptly captured in this famous Somaliproverb:
"Me and my clan against the world; Me and my family against my clan; Me and my brother against my family; Me against my brother."[30]
Certain clans are traditionally classed as noble clans, referring to their pastoral lifestyle in contrast to the sedentary "Sab".[31] The noble clans are the Dir, Darod, Hawiye and Isaaq.[32][33] Out of these clans, Dir and Hawiye are regarded as descended from Samaale, the likely source of the ethnonym Somali (soomaali).[34] Darod and Isaaq have separate agnatic (paternal) traditions of descent from Abdirahman bin Isma'il al-Jabarti (Sheikh Darod) and Ishaaq bin Ahmed (Sheikh Ishaaq) respectively.[35] Sheikh Darod and Sheikh Ishaaq are asserted to have married women from the Dir clan, thus establishing matrilateral ties with the Samaale main stem.[34] "Sab" is a term used to refer to the agricultural clans such as the Rahanweyn, in contrast to "Samaale".[36] Both Samaale and Sab are the children of the father "Hiil" who is the common ancestor of all Somali clans.[37][38]
Kinship
The traditional political unit among the Somali people has been kinships.[3] Dia-paying groups are groupings of a few small lineages, each consisting of a few hundred to a few thousand members. They trace their foundation to between four and eight generations. Members are socially contracted to support each other in jural and political duties, including paying or receiving dia or blood compensation (mag in Somali).[39] Compensation is obligatory in regards to actions committed by or against a dia-paying group, including blood-compensation in the event of damage, injury or death.[3][40][41]
Within traditional Somali society (as in other ethnic groups of the Horn of Africa and the wider region), there has been social stratification.[42][43][44] According to the historian Donald Levine, these comprised high-ranking clans, low-ranking clans, caste groups, and slaves.[45] This rigid hierarchy and concepts of lineal purity contrast with the relative egalitarianism in clan leadership and political control.[43]
Nobles constituted the upper tier and were known as bilis. They consist of individuals of ethnic Somali ancestral origin, and have been endogamous.[46]
The lower tier was designated as Sab, and was distinguished by its heterogeneous constitution and agropastoral lifestyle as well as some linguistic and cultural differences. A third Somali caste strata was made up of artisanal groups, which were endogamous and hereditary.[47] Among the caste groups, the Midgan were traditionally hunters and circumcision performers.[48][49] The Tumal (also spelled Tomal) were smiths and leatherworkers, and the Yibir (also spelled Yebir) were the tanners and magicians.[50][51]
According to the anthropologist Virginia Luling, the artisanal caste groups of the north closely resembled their higher caste kinsmen, being generally Caucasoid like other ethnic Somalis.[52] Although ethnically indistinguishable from each other, state Mohamed Eno and Abdi Kusow, upper castes have stigmatized the lower ones.[53]
Outside of the Somali caste system were slaves of Bantu origin and physiognomy.[54] Their distinct physical features and occupations differentiated them from Somalis and positioned them as inferior within the social hierarchy.[55][56] Ethiopians, especially Amharas and Tigrayans were also captured and sold to traders from Arabia, India, Greece, and beyond.[57]Oromo subjects were favoured due to their features compared to other slaves.[58]
"The farming was performed by local client-farmers, boon, or low status groups of the dominant Biimaal, Geledle, Hintirre, Murosade, Mobileyn and other predominantly pastoral clans which had established control of small portions of the valley. They produced mainly to serve local markets. Ample, fertile land remained uncultivated, due to a chronic shortage of farm labor. In order to respond to market demands for grain in South Arabia, the local Somali clans of the Lower Shabelle began purchasing slaves from Arab and Swahili slave ships. These slaves came first from Zanzibar (the Zegua or Mushunguli people)."[59]
The customary justice system of Somalis, known as xeer, holds a significant position among the Somali clans, serving as a crucial mechanism for resolving conflicts. Somali clans are organized according to a patriarchal clan-based framework, which is further segmented into sub-clans, lineages, and mag groupings. These groupings are united through familial bonds or contractual agreements. Xeer justice primarily centers around the latter groupings, given their smaller size. Within these units, every member is held accountable for the actions of others and thus shares a portion of any imposed punishment. Under this system, only the victim or their immediate family has the authority to initiate criminal proceedings through xeer mediation. xeer relies on clan elders who utilize precedent, Sharia law, and mutual verbal agreements between clans to settle disputes and provide resolutions.[60][61]
Marriage
Among Somali clans, in order to strengthen alliance ties, marriage is often to another ethnic Somali from a different clan. According to I. M. Lewis, of 89 marriages initiated by men of the Dhulbahante clan, 55 (62%) were therefore with women of Dhulbahante subclans other than those of their husbands; 30 (33.7%) were with women of adjacent clans of other clan families (Isaaq, 28; Hawiye, 3); and 3 (4.3%) were with women of other clans of the Darod clan family (Majerteen 2, Ogaden 1).[62]
A traditional Somali wedding basket.
Such exogamy is always followed by the dia-paying group and usually adhered to by the primary lineage, whereas marriage to lineal kin falls within the prohibited range.[63] These traditional strictures against consanguineous marriage ruled out the patrilateral first cousin marriages that are favored by Arab Bedouins and specially approved by Islam. These marriages were practiced to a limited degree by certain northern Somali subclans.[62] In areas inhabited by diverse clans, such as the southern Mogadishu area, endogamous marriages also served as a means of ensuring clan solidarity in uncertain socio-political circumstances.[64] This inclination was further spurred on by intensified contact with Arab society in the Gulf, wherein first cousin marriage was preferred. Although politically expedient, such endogamous marriage created tension with the traditional principles within Somali culture.[65]
In 1975, the most prominent government reforms regarding family law in a Muslim country were set in motion in the Somali Democratic Republic, which put women and men, including husbands and wives, on complete equal footing.[66] The 1975 Somali Family Law gave men and women equal division of property between the husband and wife upon divorce and the exclusive right to control by each spouse over his or her personal property.[67]
FGM is almost universal in Somalia, and many women undergo infibulation, the most extreme form of female genital mutilation.[68] According to a 2005 WHO estimate, about 97.9% of Somalia's women and girls underwent FGM. This was at the time the world's highest prevalence rate of the procedure.[69]
The Isaaq (also Ishaq, Isaac) (Somali: Reer Sheekh Isxaaq; Arabic: اسحاق) are a major Somali clan family.[70] It is one of the largest Somali clan families in the Horn of Africa, with a large and densely populated traditional territory. The Isaaq people claim in a traditional legend to have descended from Sheikh Ishaaq bin Ahmed, an Islamic scholar who traveled to Somaliland in the 12th or 13th century and married two women; one from the local Dir clan. and the other from the neighboring Harari people.[71] He is said to have sired eight sons who are the common ancestors of the clans of the Isaaq clan-family. He remained in Maydh until his death.[72] Somali genealogical tradition places the origin of the Isaaq tribe in the 12th or 13th century with the arrival of Ishaaq Bin Ahmed (Sheikh Ishaaq) from Arabia.[73][74] Sheikh Ishaaq purportedly settled in the coastal town of Maydh in modern-day northeastern Somaliland. Hence, Sheikh Ishaaq married two local women in Somaliland, which left him with eight sons.[71][75] The Isaaq are typically grouped under the Dir.[76]
The Darod (Somali: Daarood, Arabic: دارود) are a Somali clan. The forefather of this clan is Sheikh Abdirahman bin Isma'il al-Jabarti, more commonly known as Daud or Darod.[77] According to early Islamic books and Somali tradition, AqeelAbu Talib ibn Abd al-Muttalib Al-Qurashi descendant Abdirahman bin Isma'il al-Jabarti (Darod), a son of the Sufi Sheikh Isma'il al-Jabarti of the Qadiriyyah order, fled his homeland in the Arabian Peninsula after an argument with his uncle.[78][79] During the 10th or 11th century CE,[80] Abdirahman is believed to have then settled in modern-day Sanaag just across the Red Sea and married Dobira, the daughter of the Dir clan chief. This union is said to have given rise to the Darod clan family.[81] Thus, it established matrilateral ties with the Samaale main stem.[34] Darod is the son of the famous Arabian Sheikh, Ismail bin Ibrahim Al-Jabarti, who is buried in the Zabid District of Yemen.[82][83][84]
The Hawiye (Somali: Hawiye; Arabic: بنو هوية) are one of the principal and largest of the Somali clans,[85] tracing their lineage back to Sheikh Ahmed Bin Abdulrahman Bin Uthman, also known as Sheikh Hawiye, the eponymous figure of the clan.[86][87][88] They are considered the earliest documented clan to have settled in the Somali peninsula, as noted in the 12th century by Al-Idrisi, occupying the regions spanning from Ras Hafun to Merca, which served as their capital.[89]Sheikh Hawiye, also known as Ahmed based on oral traditions and Arabic hagiologies, is renowned as a revered saint and religious figure who bore the epithet "Hawi al 'Uluum", meaning the conservator of knowledge, denoting his mastery of Islamic knowledge. Through the passage of time, this appellation was condensed to just "Hawiyah" or "Hawiye" and subsequently evolved into the ethnonym of his progeny.[86] The genealogy of Sheikh Hawiye, as delineated in these oral narratives, Arabic hagiologies, and indigenous manuscripts, can be traced as follows: Ahmed (Hawiye) Bin Abdulrahman (Irir) Bin Uthman (Samaale) Bin Muhammed Bin Hanbal Bin Mahdi Bin Ahmed Bin Mohammed Bin Aqeel Bin Abu Talib.[87][90][91][92][93] The tomb of Shiekh Hawiye can be found in Qundhuro, situated within the Haraghe region, which served as his primary residence for the later years of his life as a revered Sheikh who dedicated himself to the propagation of the teachings of Islam. Alongside Shiekh Hawiye rests his eldest son, Karanle, in a burial site.[91] The Hawiye furthered the spread of Islam in the Horn of Africa.[94]
Notable elders belonging to the Bimal clan of the Dir clan family.
The Dir (Somali: Dir) are one of the largest and most prominent Somali clans in the Horn of Africa.[95][96][97] They are descended from Hawiye's brother Aji, whose actual name is documented in oral traditions and further supported by Al Idrus's work "History of Somalia" as Ismail. Dir, also known as Abu-Bakr,[87] is regarded as the father-in-law of Darod, the progenitor of the Darod clan as well as Sheikh Isaaq.[98]
^Pham, J. Peter (2011). "State Collapse, Insurgency, and Famine in the Horn of Africa: Legitimacy and the Ongoing Somali Crisis". The Journal of the Middle East and Africa. 2 (2): 153–187. doi:10.1080/21520844.2011.617238. S2CID154845182.
^Tobias Hagmann (2007). Lars Buur and Helene Maria Kyed (ed.). Bringing the Sultan Back In: Elders as Peacemakers in Ethiopia's Somali Region in "State Recognition and Democratization in Sub-Saharan Africa". Springer Palgrave. pp. 31–51. ISBN978-1-349-36980-5.
^ abCatherine Besteman (2014). Unraveling Somalia: Race, Class, and the Legacy of Slavery. University of Pennsylvania Press. pp. 123–124. ISBN978-0-8122-9016-5., Quote: "The social organization of Somali society accommodated ideological conceptions of inferiority through investing clan membership with definitions of lineal purity. Somali clans, while fiercely egalitarian with regards to leadership and political control, contain divisions of unequal status".
^Beatrice Akua-Sakyiwah (2016), Education as Cultural Capital and its Effect on the Transitional Issues Faced by Migrant Women in the Diaspora, Journal of International Migration and Integration, Volume 17, Number 4, pages 1125–1142, Quote: "This caste stratification is a daily reality in Somali society".
^Heather Marie Akou (2011). The Politics of Dress in Somali Culture. Indiana University Press. pp. 20–23. ISBN978-0253223135., Quote: "Many of these items were not made by nomads but by a caste of artisans called the Saab, considered subservient (...) The Yibir, also members of the Saab caste, were responsible for crafting amulets (hardas), prayer mats, and saddles, and for performing rituals designed to protect nomads from snakes and scorpions, illnesses and harm during marriage and childbirth".
^Mohamed A. Eno and Abdi M. Kusow (2014), Racial and Caste Prejudice in Somalia, Journal of Somali Studies, Iowa State University Press, Volume 1, Issue 2, page 95, Quote: "Unlike that of the Somali Jareer Bantu, the history, social, and ethnic formation of the Somali caste communities is hardly distinguishable from that of other Somalis. The difference is that these communities are stigmatized because mythical narratives claim that (a) they are of unholy origin, and (b) they engage in denigrated occupations."
^Catherine Besteman (2014). Unraveling Somalia: Race, Class, and the Legacy of Slavery. University of Pennsylvania Press. p. 52. ISBN978-0-8122-9016-5. Whatever their origins, their physical features and occupations distinguished them from Somalis and placed them in an inferior sociopolitical position in Somali cosmology.
^Mohamed A. Eno and Abdi M. Kusow (2014), Racial and Caste Prejudice in Somalia, Journal of Somali Studies, Iowa State University Press, Volume 1, Issue 2, pages 91–92, 95–96, 108–112
^Yusuf, Al Malik Muzzafar (1295). نور المعارف [Light of Knowledge] (in Arabic). pp. 326–327.
^I. M. Lewis (1994). Blood and Bone: The Call of Kinship in Somali Society. The Red Sea Press. p. 51. ISBN978-0-932415-93-6. The primary lineage is normally, and the dia-paying group always, exogamous, because these units are already so strongly united that marriage within them is considered to threaten their cohesion.
^I. M. Lewis (1994). Blood and Bone: The Call of Kinship in Somali Society. The Red Sea Press. pp. 51. ISBN978-0-932415-93-6. in areas formerly characterized by clan heterogeneity, with people of different clans living together harmoniously and inter-marrying, marriage outside one's own clan became the exception rather than, as formerly, the rule. Indeed, in the devastated capital, Mogadishu, women who had married outside their own clan found themselves at a serious disadvantage, they and their children being disowned and left unprotected by both sets of kin. Insecurity required maximum clan solidarity, including now clan endogamy rather than exogamy.
^I. M. Lewis (1994). Blood and Bone: The Call of Kinship in Somali Society. The Red Sea Press. pp. 51. ISBN978-0-932415-93-6. This new trend was further encouraged by the intensified contact with the Arab society, and its preference for cousin marriage, through the experience of labour migration in the Gulf. The tension between this politically expedient practice and traditional cultural precepts was reflected in the popular view that such endogamous marriage amounted to a kind of incest akin to the mating of animals.
^Pg.115 – Women in Muslim family law by John L. Esposito, Natana J. DeLong-Bas
^Pg.75 – Generating employment and incomes in Somalia: report of an inter-disciplinary employment and project-identification mission to Somalia financed by the United Nations Development Programme and executed by ILO/JASPA
^Fage, J. D.; Oliver, Roland; Oliver, Roland Anthony; Clark, John Desmond; Gray, Richard; Flint, John E.; Roberts, A. D.; Sanderson, G. N.; Crowder, Michael (1975). The Cambridge history of Africa: Fage, J. D. Cambridge University Press. p. 137. ISBN9780521209816. Archived from the original on 2024-05-22. Retrieved 2020-11-05.
^Fage, J. D.; Oliver, Roland; Oliver, Roland Anthony; Clark, John Desmond; Gray, Richard; Flint, John E.; Roberts, A. D.; Sanderson, G. N.; Crowder, Michael (1975). The Cambridge History of Africa. Cambridge University Press. ISBN978-0-521-20981-6.
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في 31 آب 2014 مجموعة من 500 صورة خاصة لمشاهير معضمهم نساء تحتوي عري نشرت في موقع لوحة صور و4شان ثم نشرت على مواقع أخرى كإمجور وريديت. الصور اخذت من خدمة أبل للحوسبة السحابية.[1][2][3] والذي تبين وجود ثغرة أمنية فيه تسمح للمخترق بالحصول على كلمة السر.[4][5] المراجع ^...
Parliamentary constituency in the United Kingdom 1801-1983 & 2010 onwards Not to be confused with Malton (UK Parliament constituency) or Electoral district of Maldon. MaldonCounty constituencyfor the House of CommonsBoundary of Maldon in Essex for the 2010 general electionLocation of Essex within EnglandCountyEssexElectorate69,539 (December 2010)[1]Major settlementsMaldon, Burnham-on-Crouch, South Woodham FerrersCurrent constituencyCreated2010Member of ParliamentSir John Whitt...
Pour l’article homonyme, voir Épire (homonymie). Cet article traite de l'Épire, région de la Grèce antique et historique aujourd'hui partagée entre la Grèce et l'Albanie. Pour la région administrative moderne grecque, voir Épire (périphérie). Pour la partie albanaise, voir Épire du Nord. L'Épire durant l'Antiquité. L’Épire (en grec Ήπειρος / Ipiros, en albanais Epiri, en aroumain Ipirlu, du grec ancien Ήπειρος / Épeiros signifiant « continent&...
Carbosulfan Names IUPAC name 2,2-Dimethyl-2,3-dihydro-1-benzofuran-7-yl [(dibutylamino)sulfanyl]methylcarbamate Other names 2,3-Dihydro-2,2-dimethyl-7-benzofuranyl[(dibutylamino)thio] methylcarbamate Identifiers CAS Number 55285-14-8 Y 3D model (JSmol) Interactive image ChEBI CHEBI:38476 Y ChemSpider 37764 Y ECHA InfoCard 100.054.132 PubChem CID 41384 UNII V1DGN4AK6G Y CompTox Dashboard (EPA) DTXSID5023950 InChI InChI=1S/C20H32N2O3S/c1-6-8-13-22(14-9-7-2)26-21(5)19(23)24-...
Janet LeighLeigh pada tahun 1950LahirJeanette Helen MorrisonPekerjaanAktrisTahun aktif1947–1998Suami/istriJohn Carlisle(1942–1942) (dibatalkan)Stanley Reames<bercerai)Robert Brandt(1962–2001) (ditinggal mati) Janet Leigh (6 Juli 1927 – 3 Oktober 2004) adalah seorang aktor brkebangsaan Amerika Serikat. Dia dilahirkan di Merced, California. Dia meraih penghargaan Academy Award dalam kategori film dan aktor terbaik dalam film Psycho tahun 1960. Filmografi Act of Vi...
Annual event Not to be confused with Take Our Kids to Work Day. Take Your Daughter To Work Day redirects here. For the episode of The Office, see Take Your Daughter to Work Day (The Office). The National Science Foundation welcomed nearly 100 young people to its Arlington, Virginia headquarters on April 26, 2012, for Take Our Daughters and Sons to Work Day. Take Our Daughters and Sons to Work Day, sometimes termed Take Your Child to Work Day, is a national day that gives children in the Unite...
Questa voce sull'argomento calciatori argentini è solo un abbozzo. Contribuisci a migliorarla secondo le convenzioni di Wikipedia. Segui i suggerimenti del progetto di riferimento. Luis WeissmullerNazionalità Argentina Calcio RuoloDifensore Termine carriera193? CarrieraSquadre di club1 1926-1930 Sp. Palermo97 (0) Nazionale 1928 Argentina0 (0) Palmarès Giochi olimpici ArgentoAmsterdam 1928 1 I due numeri indicano le presenze e le reti segnate, per le sole partite di ca...
