He fought in the World War I, an experience that defined his politics. He joined the German Foreign Office, was trained to be a diplomat and was sent to the embassy in Warsaw. In the years leading up to the war, Von Scheliha was placed in a position of trust in the Foreign Office.In 1934, he was recruited by Soviet intelligence because of financial necessity while he served in Warsaw, where he passed documents to the Soviet intelligence. In the years leading up to the Second World War, he became a committed opponent of the Nazi regime and of its anti-Semitic policies.[1]
He became the director of an information department in the embassy in September 1939, which was established to counter enemy propaganda. As part of his position, photographs of atrocities against Jews and other people passed through his department and were used for propaganda. Appalled at what he saw, he began to resist and built a portfolio of the worst images over several years. In January 1942, the portfolio was smuggled to London.[2]
In June 1941, the start of the invasion of the Soviet Union caused his line of communication to the Soviets to be cut off. Soviet intelligence tried several times to reinitiate communications with him but were unsuccessful. In May 1942, Soviet intelligence sent an agent, Erna Eifler, to make contact with von Scheliha in Berlin,[3] but she was captured.
Von Scheliha was executed by hanging in Plötzensee Prison on 14 December 1942.[4]
Life
Rudolf von Scheliha was born in Zessel, Oels, Silesia (now Cieśle, Oleśnica, Poland), as the son of the Prussian aristocrat and officer Rudolph von Scheliha. His mother was the Marie Luise von Scheliha née Miquel[5] who was a daughter of Lord Mayor of Frankfurt and Prussian Finance Minister Johann von Miquel.[6] His younger sister, Renata von Scheliha,[7] was a classical philologist.
In 1927, Rudolf married the noblewomen Marie Louise von Scheliha (1904–2003) née von Medinger, the daughter of a large landowner and industrialist.[8][9] The couple had two daughters: Sylvia, born on 14 November 1930, and Elisabeth, born in 1934. Sylvia became an engineer, and Elisabeth received a doctorate in chemistry, with the latter surviving to 2016 and dying in Adliswil.[10][11]
Military
He served as an army officer in World War I and volunteered after his graduation in 1915. Scheliha volunteered at the same regiment, the Cavalry Rifle Regiment, Guard Cavalry Rifle Division, in which his father and uncle had served; its officers were drawn from the nobility.[12]
On 8 August 1918, he was shelled in a ditch with two brothers, who were blown up, and one brother died months later from his injuries.[12] Scheliha was buried; when he was rescued, his hair had turned grey, and he was suffering from shell shock.[12] His parents were shocked at the change but he never spoke of his experiences.[12]
After the war, he studied law in Breslau.[13] In May 1919, he moved to the University of Heidelberg, where he joined the Corps Saxo-Borussia that year and came in contact with republican and anti-totalitarian groups.[14] He was elected to the AStA, the Association of Heidelberg Associations, where he vehemently opposed the students' anti-Semitic riots.[15]
Career
After his examination in 1921, he became first clerk at the Court of Appeal in 1922. In February 1922, von Scheliha joined the regional office of the Foreign Office in Hamburg.[4] After six months, he was promoted to attaché.[4] He began to work in the department responsible for East European affairs in the office of Undersecretary of State Adolf Georg von Maltzan in Berlin.[4] In December 1924, he was promoted again and was admitted to the diplomatic service.[4] Over the following years, von Scheliha took over tasks in the diplomatic missions of Prague, Constantinople, Angora, Katowice and Warsaw. In 1927, he was appointed to the position of legation secretary.[4]
Both Herrnstadt and von Scheliha had similar political views on the Nazis, a deep hostility, but had different views on the Soviet Union as von Scheliha was opposed to communism, but both know that Hitler will start a war.[19] When Herrnstadt had to leave his newspaper in 1936 due to the Reich Editors law for being Jewish,[23] it became impossible for Moltke to defend him.[13] Only von Scheliha out of the embassy staff remained in contact but their meetings were secret.
In 1937, while his career progressed to a promotion to Councillor II Class,[10] in the summer Herrnstadt used subterfuge to trick Von Scheliha into becoming an informant. Herrnstadt did this by disguising the delivery location of any received intelligence, i.e. to show the reports weren't going to the Soviet Union.[24][19] In 1937, he travelled to England and through a comintern agent Ernest David Weiss and his sub-agent Ilse Steinfeld, a journalist for the Berliner Tageblatt who worked for The Guardian, he met the German legation councillor Hermann von Stutterheim (1887–1959)[25] of the German embassy in London.[a][26] When he returned to Warsaw, he informed Von Scheliha that had met a contact in England, who was an "intermediary" for the secret service who was interested in the political situation in Poland. He further informed him that he was authorised to act for this intermediary.[26] This finally convinced Von Scheliha by mid-September to begin supplying embassy reports.[b] Until September 1939, Herrnstadt passed the documents to the Soviet Embassy in Warsaw through the cutout Stöbe.[27] It is still know however whether von Scheliha knew that the reports he was passed to Herrnstadt were being sent to Soviet intelligence.[28]
Information department
In September 1939 he was appointed director of an information department in the Foreign Office (Informationsabteilung des Auswärtigen Amtes) that had been created to counter foreign press and radio news propaganda on the German occupation in Poland.[16] His appointment allowed him to verify the veracity of foreign reports and to interview Nazi officials.[16] In November 1939 after Sonderaktion Krakau, the arrest of 184 Polish academic staff, a war crime, von Scheliha protested to Richard Heydrich.[29] Following international pressure, many of the academic staff were released but many died in German concentration camps.[29] As well as being critical of Kliest, when reports of the brutality of Hans Frank appeared in the foreign press, von Scheliha became his most implacable enemey[29] and began to resist.[30]
Von Scheliha also helped Poles and Jews flee abroad. He became aware of the atrocities committed by the Third Reich under the Nazi regime and made contact with Polish nobles and intellectuals. Working either in an official capacity or through a friend, he helped many people escape from Poland and in some cases provided money for travel costs.[31] Amongst these was Princess Teresa Sapieha-Rozanski a member of the Polish Muszkieterzy (organizacja) [pl] resistance organisation.[32] In 1940, von Scheliha helped her to emigrate to Italy.[32] She survived the war.
Archive
Von Scheliha secretly began making a collection of documents on the atrocities of the Gestapo in 1939, particularly on the murders of Jews in Poland, which also contained photographs of the newly established extermination camps. In June 1941, he showed the dossier to a Polish intelligence agent, Countess Klementyna Mankowska, who was a member of the anti-Nazi group the Musketeers for which she worked as a courier.[33] Mankowska visited him at the Foreign Office in Berlin to make the details known to the Polish resistance and to the Allies.[34] Mankowska wrote that she was led into a large well-furnished room and that Von Scheliha presented a large thick folder, which described the gassing of Jews and other people.[33] The last of the archive documents were written in January 1942 and passed to Polish resistance in February 1942.[35] The fact that he stopped adding to the archive at that point is an indication that that it became too dangerous.[35]
The Nazi Culture in Poland
In the autumn of 1941, Von Scheliha invited his Polish friend, Count Konstantin Bninski, to Berlin under the pretext of writing propaganda texts for the Foreign Office against the Polish resistance. The German diplomat and historian Ulrich Sahm [de] considered it probable in his 1990 biography that von Scheliha then passed material to Bninski that contained a comprehensive documentation of crimes during the German occupation, in addition to members of the Polish resistance. Co-authored with fellow German diplomat Johann von Wühlisch, it was completed in January 1942 and was titled The Nazi Culture in Poland. The document that was recorded onto microfilm, was smuggled to Britain at a high personal risk to those involved, and is considered one of the most detailed contemporary accounts of the early Holocaust in Eastern Europe during the war.[32] The document describes the persecution of the church, the school and the university system; the dark role of the Institute of German Ostarbeiter as the driver of cultural rescheduling; the relocation and the sacking of libraries; the devastation of monuments; the looting of archives, museums and the private collections of the Polish nobility; the subversion of Polish theatre, music and press; and the forcible destruction of other cultural institutions by the Nazi Party.[34]The Polish government-in-exile published the document as a novel from 1944 to 1945.[34] During that period, von Scheliha was in contact with GeneralmajorHenning von Tresckow, who was also becoming increasingly antifascist.[36] after he had witnessed the murder of Jews. He would later take part in the 20 July Plot.[37]
In February 1942, von Scheliha ended his attempts to name and send out exiled Poles as helpers for German propaganda to stop endangering them and himself. At the same time, he closed the small Polish research department foreign office for fear of its members' lives.[38] He began to despair and realised his powerlessness.[38] That spring, he travelled to Switzerland, where his sister lived[38] and provided Swiss diplomats with information on Aktion T4, including sermons by Bishop Clemens August Graf von Galen on the murders of the mentally ill.[39] He also sent reports on the Final Solution, including the construction and the operation of more extermination camps, and on Hitler's order to exterminate European Jews.[40]
Von Scheliha made further trips to Switzerland in September and October 1942. On his final trip he warned Carl Jacob Burckhardt of the International Committee of the Red Cross about the Final Solution.[5] Burckhardt in turn informed the American consul in Geneva which was the first news of the Nazi extermination camps reaching the allies.[5]
The extent of Soviet intelligence interest in von Scheliha was shown in May 1942, when Bernhard Bästlein assisted Erna Eifler, Wilhelm Fellendorf, Soviet agents who had parachuted into Germany in May 1942 with wireless telegraphy sets and been instructed to find Ilse Stöbe to re-establish communications with Von Scheliha.[3] Eifler failed to contact Stöbe, who was then in Dresden.[41] Eifler was arrested on 15 October and Fellendorf a short while later. Another Soviet agent, Heinrich Koenen, was dropped on 23 October to make another attempt to contact Stöbe and von Scheliha. Koenen was on a mission to pass all material that had been collected by von Scheliha and Stöbe to Soviet intelligence, but he was arrested in Berlin on 26 October 1942.[42]
Shortly after von Scheliha had returned from Switzerland, Stöbe was arrested on 12 September, followed by von Scheliha on 29 October in the office of the Foreign Office's personnel director.[4]
Arrest and death
Suspected by the Gestapo for his critical attitude, he was charged by the Second Senate of the Reichskriegsgericht of being a member of the Red Orchestra and sentenced to death on 14 December 1942 for "treason for money" (Landesverrat gegen Geld).[4] On 22 December 1942, he was executed by hanging in Plötzensee Prison.[43][34]
His wife, Marie Louise, was arrested on 22 December 1942 and taken to the women's prison in Charlottenburg. There, she was repeatedly interrogated and threatened but released on 6 November 1943. In the last days of the war, she fled with her daughters to Niederstetten via Prague. In Haltenbergstetten Castle, the former castle of the principality of Hohenlohe-Jagstberg, the family lived in a cellar mainly on mushrooms, berries and fruit.[44][45]
Reappraisal
In West German historiography, in particular by the German historians Hans Rothfels, Peter Hoffman and the Dutch historian Ger van Roon [de], von Scheliha was not seen as a resistance fighter[46] but as a spy for the Soviet services. In the process, the acts of interrogation and the Gestapo records continued to be uncritically classified as "sources" that were adopted by journalists and historians, to which former Nazi prosecutors such as Manfred Roeder[47] and Alexander Kraell [de], the former president of the Second Senate of the Reichskriegsgericht, contributed after 1945.[48][49][50][51]
Trial
In 1952, Von Schelihas widow Marie Louise von Scheliha applied for compensation but was refused as her husband was not classified as a resistance fighter, but as a traitor.[52] The Foreign Office adopted this attitude[52] and for more than 50 years it refused to recognise Von Scheliha due to the findings of the 1942 Gestapo investigation.[53] This was illustrated on 20 July 1961, when the Foreign Office in Bonn commemorated eleven of its employees, who were executed as resistance fighters, with a plaque, including Albrecht Graf von Bernstorff, Ulrich von Hassell, Adam von Trott zu Solz and Friedrich-Werner Graf von der Schulenburg. Von Scheliha was not mentioned because he continued to pass on information to the Soviet Union, which was considered a betrayal.[54] In 1956, Marie Louise von Scheliha petitioned the West German president Theodor Heuss who granted her a "revocable maintenance contribution amounting to the legal widow's daily needs".[52] The size of the contribution left her impoverished at the same time as widows of Nazis prosecutors had received full pension rights.[52] In 1993, Von Scheliha made a request to the Württemberg State Office for a full pension benefits and was again refused as Rudolf von Scheliha has been subject to a "proper trial".[52]
From the mid-80's onwards, the retired diplomat Ulrich Sahm campaigned to rehabilitate von Scheliha.[55] It wasn't until 1990, that von Scheliha was rehabilitated in the eyes of historians with the publication of Sahm's meticulously researched book, "Rudolf von Scheliha 1897–1942. Ein deutscher Diplomat gegen Hitler" (Rudolf von Scheliha 1897-1942: A German diplomat against Hitler).[56] Sahm reframes von Scheliha as a "daring and honourable resistance fighter".[46] The release of the book was the likely basis[55] for the 8th Chamber of Cologne Administrative Court [de] (reference number 8K 5055/94), to rule on 25 October 1995 that Scheliha had been sentenced to death not for espionage but in a sham trial for his opposition to Nazism, which overturned the 1942 verdict and legally rehabilitated von Scheliha.[57] The court ruled that von Scheliha has acted out of ideological motives, not for monetary reasons, i.e. "Scheliha had been persecuted because of his political opposition".[53] According to witness statements and Sahm's historical research[53] it was proved that von Scheliha did not even know that the information he had passed on to Ilse Stöbe and Rudolf Herrnstadt had been passed on to the Soviet Union.[58] This proved that it was inconceivable that he committed "paid treason".[55]
Awards and honours
On 21 December 1995 at the Foreign Office, in a ceremony with State Secretary Hans-Friedrich von Ploetz [de], attached an additional board with the inscription "Rudolf von Scheliha 1897–1942".[59] On 18 July 2000 in a ceremony at the new Foreign Office in Berlin, both boards were brought together and the names listed in the sequence of death dates. Von Scheliha's name leads the list.[59] On 9 July 2014 Ilse Stöbe received the same honour at the Foreign Office.[59]
Odonymy
In Neuallermöhe, a street was named in memory of von Scheliha on 5 May 1997. There is a street in Gotha named Schelihastraße, but the street is named after the Oberhofmeister Ludwig Albert von Scheliha, who owned a large garden plot on the street on which the Protestant church stands today.
Notes
^Coppi and Kebir mistake the Romanian embassy for the German embassy in the text of Ilse Stöbe: Wieder im Amt in page 52 as Baron Von Stutterheim was a diplomat in the Germany embassy not the Romanian embassy, although refer to the German embassy further on in the text.[26]
^Although von Scheliha trusted Herrnstadt,[19] there is an assumption that he would have checked with Baron Von Stutterheim to verify the visit.
^Brysac, Shareen Blair (12 October 2000). Resisting Hitler: Mildred Harnack and the Red Orchestra: Mildred Harnack and the Red Orchestra. Oxford University Press, USA. p. 313. ISBN978-0-19-531353-6.
Blasius, Rainer (29 July 2013). "Das Auswärtige Amt und Ilse Stöbe" (in German). Frankfurt: Fazit-Stiftung. Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. Archived from the original on 22 July 2016. Retrieved 3 November 2024.
Brettin, Michael (15 January 2018). "Das waren die Kämpfer der 'Roten Kapelle'" [These were the fighters of the ‘Red Orchestra’] (in German). Berliner Verlag. Berliner Zeitung. Archived from the original on 31 October 2024. Retrieved 31 October 2024.
Coppi, Hans; Kebir, Sabine (2013). Ilse Stöbe : wieder im Amt : eine Widerstandskämpferin in der Wilhelmstrasse : eine Veröffentlichung der Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung [Ilse Stöbe: back in office: a resistance fighter in the Wilhelmstrasse: a publication of the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation] (in German). Hamburg: VSA. ISBN978-3-89965-569-8. OCLC856798644.
Eckelmann, Susanne (16 July 2015). "Rudolf von Scheliha 1897-1942". LEMO (in German). Berlin: Deutsches Historisches Museum. Archived from the original on 3 June 2016. Retrieved 29 July 2020.
Eckelmann, Susanne (19 December 2018). "Rudolf von Scheliha 1897-1942". Deutsches Historisches Museum (in German). Berlin: Stiftung Deutsches Historisches Museum. Archived from the original on 4 December 2024. Retrieved 21 April 2019.
Fikus, Sebastian (2018). "Zbrodniarz w gronostajach: Manfred Roeder" [The Criminal in Hermine: Manfred Roeder]. Studia Polityczne (in Polish) (4): 95–114.
Geyken, Frauke (9 May 2014). Wir standen nicht abseits: Frauen im Widerstand gegen Hitler [We did not stand on the sidelines: women in the resistance against Hitler]. C.H.Beck. ISBN978-3-406-65903-4.
Grosse, Heinrich (2005). "Ankläger von Widerstandskämpfern und Apologet des NS-Regimes nach 1945 – Kriegsgerichtsrat Manfred Roeder" [Prosecutor of resistance fighters and apologist for the Nazi regime after 1945 - court martial councillor Manfred Roeder]. Kritische Justiz (in German). 38 (1): 36–55. doi:10.5771/0023-4834-2005-1-36. ISSN0023-4834. JSTOR24240128.
Gysi, Gregor (28 October 2011). "Drucksache 17/7488 17. Wahlperiode"(PDF). Deutscher Bundestag (in German). Berlin. Archived from the original(PDF) on 25 February 2024. Retrieved 3 November 2024.
Hürter, Johannes (2005). "Scheliha, Rudolf von". Neue Deutsche Biographie 22. Online version: Deutsche Biographie. Retrieved 30 July 2020.
Isphording, Bernd; Keiper, Gerhard; Kröger, Martin (21 May 2012). Biographisches Handbuch des deutschen Auswärtigen Dienstes, 1871-1945 [Biographical Handbook of the German Foreign Service, 1871-1945] (in German). Vol. 4. Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh. ISBN978-3-506-71843-3.
Klemperer, Klemens Von (1994). German Resistance Against Hitler: The Search for Allies Abroad, 1938-1945. Ebsco Publishing. p. 68. ISBN978-0-19-151334-3.
Liebmann, Irina (2008). Wäre es schön? Es wäre schön! mein Vater Rudolf Herrnstadt [Would it be nice? It would be nice! my father Rudolf Herrnstadt] (in German). Berlin: Berlin Verlag. ISBN978-3827005892. OCLC213434556.
Mas, Dorothy A.; Harsch, Georg Felix (20 July 2020). Löw, Andrea; Pearce, Caroline (eds.). German Reich and Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia September 1939–September 1941. Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co KG. ISBN978-3-11-052389-8. OCLC1289822043.
Matthews, Tony (2022). Spies, Saboteurs and Secret Missions of World War II. Newport, NSW: Big Sky Publishing. ISBN978-1-922615-73-2.
Roloff, Stefan (2004). Die Rote Kapelle: die Widerstandsgruppe im Dritten Reich und die Geschichte Helmut Roloffs [The Red Orchestra: the resistance group in the Third Reich and the story of Helmut Roloff] (in German) (1st ed.). Berlin: Ullstein. pp. 297–305. ISBN9783548366692. OCLC76625534.
Sahm, Ulrich (1990). Rudolf von Scheliha, 1897-1942: ein deutscher Diplomat gegen Hitler [Rudolf von Scheliha, 1897-1942: a German diplomat against Hitler]. Munich: Beck. ISBN3-406-34705-3.
Scherstjanoi, Elke (27 August 2013). "Ilse Stöbe (1911 - 1942) im Widerstand gegen das "Dritte Reich"" [Ilse Stöbe (1911 - 1942) in the resistance against the "Third Reich] (PDF). Institut für Zeitgeschichte. Munich: Leibniz Institute of Contemporary History. Retrieved 11 February 2023.
Schlösinger, Bodo (25 October 2017). Juchler, Ingo (ed.). Mildred Harnack und die Rote Kapelle in Berlinlanguage=de. Potsdam: Universitätsverlag Potsdam. ISBN978-3-86956-407-4.
Schulte, Jan Erik; Wala, Michael (2013). Widerstand und Auswärtiges Amt: Diplomaten gegen Hitler (in German). Berlin: Siedler. ISBN978-3-641-10494-8.
Ueberschär, Gerd R. (2006). Für ein anderes Deutschland: der deutsche Widerstand gegen den NS-Staat 1933-1945 [For another Germany: The German resistance against the Nazi state in 1933-1945] (in German) (Originalausg ed.). Frankfurt: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag. p. 139. ISBN3-596-13934-1.
Wippermann, Wolfgang (8 August 2013). "Als Spion geächtet" (in German). Jakob Augstein. Der Freitag. Archived from the original on 3 August 2023. Retrieved 3 November 2024.
"Zessel, Rudolf von Scheliha". Spectrum.direct (in Polish). Opole, Poland: Joseph-von-Eichendorff-Konversatorium, Ministerstwa Spraw Wewnętrznych i Administracji. 16 September 2024. Archived from the original on 2 Nov 2024. Retrieved 2 November 2024.
Further reading
Rosiejka, Gert (1986). Die Rote Kapelle: "Landesverrat" als antifaschist. Widerstand [The Red Orchestra. "Treason" as anti-fascist resistance. With an introduction by Heinrich Scheel] (in German) (1st ed.). Hamburg: Ergebnisse-Verl. ISBN3-925622-16-0.
Kegel, Gerhard (1984). In den Stürmen unseres Jahrhunderts: ein deutscher Kommunist über sein ungewöhnliches Leben [In the storms of our century. A German communist about his unusual life] (in German). Berlin: Dietz Verlag.
Wiaderny, Bernard (2003). Die Katholische Kirche in Polen (1945-1989): eine Quellenedition [The Catholic Church in Poland (1945-1989): A source edition] (in German) (1. ed.). Berlin: VWF, Verlag für Wissenschaft und Forschung. ISBN978-3-89700-074-2. (Lars Jockheck: Rezension. In: sehepunkte. 3, 2003, Nr. 4.)
Conze, Eckart; Frei, Norbert; Hayes, Peter; Zimmermann, Moshe (2010). Das Amt und die Vergangenheit: deutsche Diplomaten im Dritten Reich und in der Bundesrepublik [The Office and the Past: German Diplomats in the Third Reich and the Federal Republic of Germany] (in German) (2. Aufl ed.). Munich: Blessing. ISBN978-3-89667-430-2.
Ruchniewicz, Krzysztof (1999). "Rudolf von Scheliha – Niemiecki dyplomata przeciw Hitlerowi". Zbliżenia Polska-Niemcy (in Polish). 1 (22). Wrocław: 119.
Matelski, Dariusz (1999). Niemcy w Polsce w XX wieku [Germany in Poland in the 20TH century] (in Polish) (Wyd. 1 ed.). Warsaw: Wydawn. Nauk. PWN. ISBN978-83-01-12931-6.
Wippermann, Wolfgang (2014). "'Widerstand für Polen und Juden – Rudolf von Scheliha". In Sigler, Sebastian (ed.). Corpsstudenten im Widerstand gegen Hitler [Resistance for Poles and Jews – Rudolf von Scheliha]. Berlin: Duncker & Humblot. pp. 191–215. ISBN9783428143191.
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Nathanael Liminski (2023) Nathanael Liminski (* 19. September 1985 in Bonn) ist ein deutscher Politiker (CDU) in Nordrhein-Westfalen. Seit dem 29. Juni 2022 ist er Minister für Bundes- und Europaangelegenheiten, Internationales sowie Medien des Landes Nordrhein-Westfalen im Kabinett Wüst II und bereits seit dem 30. Juni 2017 Chef der Staatskanzlei des Landes Nordrhein-Westfalen (CdS). Liminski wurde als enger Vertrauter, langjähriger Mitarbeiter und Vordenker des gescheiterten CDU-Kan...
Sebuah tiang pemancar rambu suar Sinyal pandu atau rambu suar (bahasa Inggris: beacon) dalam pengertian teknis modern berarti sinyal yang digunakan untuk kepentingan pandu arah. Dengan bantuan sinyal pandu, seorang navigator dapat dibantu untuk mencapai arah tujuan, posisi ataupun pengiriman suatu tanda bahaya. Jenis sinyal pandu di antaranya adalah radar, sinyal pandu radio, sinyal suara, dan sinyal pandu visual. Sinyal pandu marabahaya Sinyal pandu berfungsi pula sebagai elemen dari sistem ...
النظام التربوي اللبناني نظام حر بحسب الدستور اللبناني. والتعليم إلزامي لجميع اللبنانيين للسنوات التسع الأولى من الدراسة الأساسية.[بحاجة لمصدر] وقد نتج عن هذا النظام وجود قطاعين للتربية في جميع مستوياتها وهما: القطاع الحكومي الذي بدء مع الاستقلال والقطاع التربوي الخا�...