The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (Bengali: বাংলাদেশ জাতীয়তাবাদী দল, romanized: Bangladesh Jatiotabadi Dal,[21][d] abbreviated as BNP)[21] is a major political party in Bangladesh. Founded on 1 September 1978 by Bangladeshi president Ziaur Rahman with a view of uniting people with a nationalist ideology, BNP later became one of the two dominant parties in Bangladesh, along with its archrival Awami League. Initially a big tentcentrist party, it later moved towards more right-wing politics.[22]
Known as the "Party of the Freedom Fighters of the Battlefield",[22] BNP was founded by Ziaur Rahman after the presidential election of 1978 and remained in its leadership until his assassination in 1981. Following Rahman's assassination, his widow, Khaleda Zia, took over leadership of the party and presided as chairperson until her imprisonment, in 2018. Since then, Tarique Rahman, the son of Rahman and Zia, has served as acting chairperson and has run the affairs of the party from London.[23]
Begum Khaleda Zia is currently the chairperson of the party, with Tarique Rahman as the senior vice-chairman and Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir as the secretary-general. The party tends to consulate votes based on complete independence of Bangladeshi territory and a mix of Bengali and Islamic customs. It is often known to be pro-global with being very pro-China or pro-Southeast Asia and pro-Middle East to capture markets on foreign investment and remittance.[29]
On 22 February 1978, a new party, Jatiyatabadi Ganatantrik Dal (JaGoDal), was formed with Justice Abdus Sattar as the coordinator. Most of the prominent figures were from the advisory council that was running the country at that time. JAGODAL was the first attempt to create a platform for the country's nationalists. Major General (retd) M. Majid ul Haq, Professor Syed Ali Ahsan, Shamsul Alam Chowdhury, A.Z.M. Enayetullah Khan, M. Hamidullah Khan, Jakaria Chowdhury, Professor Dr. M. R. Khan, and Saifur Rahman were prominent figures.[30] JAGODAL was dissolved on 28 August 1978 to consolidate its membership under the Jatiyatabadi Front.
Jatiyatabadi Front
On 1 May 1978, the Jatiyatabadi Front or Nationalist Front was formed with Ziaur Rahman as the front's chief, which JAGODAL joined soon after its formation. A major portion of NAP (Bhashani) joined the front as well with Mashiur Rahman. The election symbol of NAP (Bhashani), sheaf of paddy, would become the symbol of the BNP. Shah Azizur Rahman with some of his colleagues from Muslim League. Kazi Zafar Ahmed and a faction of United Peoples Party, Maulana Matin with his Labour Party, and minority leader Rashraj Mandal with Tafsili Jati Federation also joined.
Ziaur Rahman was their candidate for the presidential election of 3 June 1978. Ziaur Rahman won the election, defeating M. A. G. Osmani of Ganatantrik Oikya Jote (United Democratic Alliance) which was backed by the Bangladesh Awami League.[31]
Formation of BNP
After the presidential election of 1978, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) was established on 1 September.[32] The newly established party soon emerged as a "hotchpotch" of leftists, rightists, opportunists, and Pakistan-era establishmenterians.[33]
The constitution of the party was drafted within 21 days of the formation with 76 members with Ziaur Rahman as the chief convener, M. Hamidullah Khan as the Executive Secretary and Dr. A. Q. M. Badruddoza Chowdhury was appointed as the Secretary-General.
The BNP formed its first government after the 1979 Bangladeshi general election. The first session of the parliament was on 2 April 1979. It elected Shah Azizur Rahman as prime minister and leader of the parliament. Mirza Ghulam Hafiz was elected as the speaker of the parliament. Asaduzzaman Khan from the Awami League became the leader of the opposition.
During this time, it attracted a large pool of supporters and activists who joined the newly formed student wing and youth wing. After the formation of the government, the first executive committee of the party was declared. A national standing committee was formed as the highest decision-making forum of the party with 12 members.[34]
A youth wing was formed in September 1978 which was named Bangladesh Jatiyatabadi Jubo Dal with Abul Kashem as chief convener. The Dhaka unit convener was Saifur Rahman. Within a couple of months, the central executive committee of Jubo Dal was declared with Abul Kashem and Saifur Rahman as the President and general secretary respectively. Mirza Abbas became the Dhaka unit President with Kamruzzaman Ayat Ali as the Secretary-General.[35]
1981–1982
On 30 May 1981, the founder of the party President Ziaur Rahman was assassinated in the Chittagong Circuit House by a small group of military officials. After the assassination of Ziaur Rahman, large crowds started protesting in major cities like Dhaka and Chittagong.[36] The funeral of Ziaur Rahman became a huge event with the participation of millions of people in Dhaka.[37]
Army Chief Hussain Muhammad Ershad thwarted the elected government of Justice Sattar on 24 March 1982 and replaced him with Justice A. F. M. Ahsanuddin Chowdhury. The BNP was thrown out of power. Many of its leaders were imprisoned,[36] including former Minister S.A. Bari, Saifur Rahman, Habibullah Khan, Tanvir Ahmed Siddiqui, Atauddin Khan, Jamal Uddin Ahmed, K.M. Obaidur Rahman, Abul Hasnat, and Moudud Ahmed. 233 leaders of BNP were arrested from March to July 1982.[39]
Khaleda Zia is the current chairperson and leader of the party.
7-Party Alliance
From 1983, Begum Khaleda Zia became the de facto decision-maker of the party. Under her leadership, the BNP formed a new anti-government alliance against the autocratic Ershad regime. It was named after the number of parties with it, 7-Party Alliance.[40]
BNP launched a massive anti-government movement after co-ordination with Awami League-led 15-Party Alliance in September 1983. The 7-Party Alliance arranged a mass gathering and called a nationwide strike on 1 November 1983. The strike had successful results. After that, the alliance called to surround the Secretariat on 28 November 1983 along with the 15-Party Alliance.[41] Thousands of BNP activists led by then Executive Secretary (later designated Office Secretary) M. Hamidullah Khan surrounded the secretariat building at Paltan and broke a large hole in the southern corner of the boundary wall of the building. The police retaliated with indiscriminate firing of live bullets.[41]M. Hamidullah Khan was arrested on 3 November in the afternoon from his residence at Dhaka Cantonment. A ban on political activities was imposed that night and Begum Khaleda Zia was kept under house arrest. The illegal regime was severely shaken at the core. A long curfew and ban on politics was imposed.
On 29 February 1984, Ershad declared that the ban on politics would be lifted on 26 March and on 27 May, both the presidential and national elections would be held. The 7-Party Alliance asked for the national election before the presidential election. After lifting the ban, Khaleda Zia attended an extended meeting of the party on 1 April, where she was made the acting chairperson of the party. In May, the Chairperson Justice Sattar resigned and Khaleda Zia was made the chairperson of the party.[35]
Under the leadership of Khaleda Zia, the first major step BNP took was to expel leaders like Shah Azizur Rahman, Moudud Ahmed, AKM Maidul Islam, Abdul Alim, and Barrister Sultan Ahmed Chowdhury from the party. These leaders formed a committee with Shah Aziz as the President and AKM Maidul Islam as the general secretary. This faction later joined the Jatiya Front and Jatiya Party.
Attack on Begum Khaleda Zia
On 23 September 1984, while addressing a rally in Bogra, 10-12 handmade grenades were charged at the rally and some of them were aimed at the stage, where Khaleda Zia was giving her speech.[42][page needed] Khaleda Zia narrowly escaped injury while eleven of her party received severe injuries. A nationwide strike was called in protest at this attack on 22 and 27 December. The government imposed a ban on political activities on those days to foil the strike, but it was largely ignored. Two people including a student leader from Bangladesh Jatiotabadi Chatra Dal died when police fired on a crowd on 22 December.[42][page needed]
The government amid protests, held upazila elections on 15 May 1985 in 251 upazilas and on 20 May in 209. The election was marked by rigging, stuffing, snatching of ballots and electoral fraud. Ershad's newly formed Janadal got 190 candidates as victors. Though, BNP had struggles because of government repression, it got 46 of its leaders as upazila chairmen while the Awami League fared worse with 41 upazila chairmen.[43]
Formation of student alliance
In 1985, BNP's student wing Bangladesh Jatiotabadi Chatra Dal formed Shongrami Chatra Jote with Chatra League (Awranga), Chatra League (Pradhan) and five other student organisations and started its resistance against Ershad.
General election 1986
In March 1986, Ershad declared that a national election would be held on 26 April.[44] Both the 7-Party Alliance led by BNP and the 15-Party Alliance led by the Awami League declared a boycott of the election on 17 March. Both called a joint rally on 21 March and a nationwide strike on 22 March as the immediate program to thwart the forthcoming election.
The night before the nationwide strike on 22 March, the Awami League called a meeting of the 15-Party Alliance but Sheikh Hasina refused to take part in the meeting. In the meeting, the majority of the parties including the Awami League opined in favour of the election. General Khalilur Rahman of Awami League maintained close contact with the army headquarters during the meeting that night. Sheikh Hasina was discussing with General Khalil periodically.[41]
On the final hours of 21 March 1986, Sheikh Hasina announced that the Awami League and her alliance would participate in the election. Five parties of the alliance parted ways from the Awami League after the announcement and decided to boycott the election. BNP and the 7-Party Alliance with the newly formed 5-Party alliance of leftists started campaigning against the election while the Awami League and Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami joined the election.
The election was largely boycotted. BNP Chairperson mobilised a large pool of political parties and their leaders behind her to boycott the election. Apart from the BNP-led 7-Party Alliance and leftist 5-Party Alliance, 17 more parties including BNP (Shah Aziz), Samajbadi Dal (Nirmal Sen), Democratic League (Moshtaq), Democratic League (Oli Ahad), Islamic Democratic League, Islami Andolon (M. A. Jalil), Janata Party, Jatiya Ganatantrik Party, Labour Party (Maolana Matin), Muslim League (Kamruzzaman), Progatishil Ganatantrik Shakti and so on.[34]
Khaleda Zia reiterated that the BNP would participate only if:
The fundamental rights are restored
All political prisoners are released
All convictions of politicians by the military courts are cancelled
The anti-election alliance under BNP called for a nationwide strike on election day. Unrest, voting fraud and malpractices marked the election day according to the opposition parties.[45] Both the Awami League and Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami conceded a humiliating defeat in the election.[41]
General Hussain Mohammad Ershad got himself elected on 15 October 1986. Prior to the election, Khaleda Zia was put under house arrest on 13 October.[46]
In a joint declaration, the two alliances called for "Siege Dhaka" program on 10 November 1987. The government imposed a ban on public gatherings ahead of the program which was defied on the day and during the program, the capital of the country virtually went under the control of the opposition alliances.[47] This incident infuriated the opposition and a nationwide protest was called on the following day. The government came hard-handed and both Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina were put under house arrest on 11 October.[47] Both the parties and their partners in the movement declared frequent nationwide strikes for the next days until the end of the year.
1988 Bangladesh General Election
BNP was determined not to join the poll under the Ershad regime and decided to boycott the general election of 1988 after the abolishment of the previous parliament. The election was held on 3 March without the participation of any popular party or alliance rather a combined opposition was led by ASM Abdur Rab. BNP called a nationwide on Election Day and declared they would resist the election.[48]
Organizational reformations
On the advice of Dr. Badruddoza Chowdhury, BNP chief Begum Zia on 21 June 1988, suspended the national standing committee and executive committee on the party for various reasons including the failures of strengthening the party of leaders. During this opportunity, former military officers were also removed from leadership positions within the party. M. Hamidullah Khan was relieved from his post as Executive Secretary. On 3 July 1988, Barrister Abdus Salam Talukder, a distinguished lawyer, was assigned with the post of Secretary General of the party instead of KM Obaidur Rahman. Soon after the removal of Obaidur, he with Jamal Uddin Ahmed and Abul Hasnat formed a new party with the same name.[49] On 17 July of the same year, Shah Azizur Rahman dissolved the BNP faction with him and joined the party with his followers on 26 August. Barrister Abdus Salam Talukder restructured the BNP, making it a stronger political platform that thrived through a critical time with a goal to topple Ershad's regime.[50]
The movement against Ershad started gaining momentum in October 1990. The BNP-led 7-party alliance, the Awami League-led 8-party alliance and the Leftist 5-party alliance started a movement to usurp Ershad on 10 October 1990 and declared a nationwide strike on that day. The strike claimed 5 lives, including the three BNP activists who were rallying in front of the central office of the Jatiya Party when the Jatiya Party cadres opened fire on the crowd.[51]
On 28 November, the opposition parties including BNP and its student wing defied the curfew and state of emergency and came out with large processions. The curfew and state of emergency was the last resort for Ershad which became ineffective by the end of November 1990.[52] On 3 December, the protests became more violent and many died. Bombs were hurled at the Sena Kalyan Sangstha building at Motijhil. From 27 November to 3 December, more than fifty protesters died.[52] On 4 December, the mass uprising took place and Ershad declared his resignation.
Students movement
Dhaka University Central Students Union (DUCSU) which has always been a centre of all popular movements in the history of Bangladesh came under the control of Bangladesh Jatiotabadi Chatra Dal after the election of 3 June 1990.[53][54][55] The Amanullah Aman-Khairul Kabir Khokan panel backed by Chatra Dal won all the posts and took the lead of the students' movement in the University of Dhaka campus.[53][55]
The Chatra Dal-led DUCSU committee allied with all existing student groups on the campus, Sarbadaliya Chatra Oikya Parishad (All-party Students Alliance Council) and staged a demonstration on 1 October 1990.[54] The protests turned violent after the police firing on a rally of Chatra Dal on 10 October that claimed the life of Naziruddin Jehad, a Chatra Dal leader from Sirajganj who came to Dhaka to join the rally against Ershad.[56][57]
The series of student protests compelled the Ershad regime to think about a safe exit.[58]
Solidarity of teachers
On 7 December 1989, the BNP-supported White panel of teachers got the highest number of Deans elected from their panel including Professor Anwarullah Chowdhury, Professor S M Faiz, Assistant Professor M. Anwar Hossain and Associate Professor Humayun Ahmed.[59]
The pro-BNP White panel of teachers, which dominated the Dhaka University Teachers Association, declared an all-out movement against the Ershad regime in 1990. All the teachers decided to resign from their posts on 29 November and confirmed their decision of not returning to classes until the fall of Ershad. The firm reaction from the teachers jeopardised the Ershad regime.[60]
After the fall of Ershad, because of the commitment to the national interest the White panel of teachers won a decisive victory on 24 December 1990 in the election of Dhaka University Teachers Association once again with Professor Anwarullah Chowdhury as the President of the association with Professor M. Anwar Hossain as the general secretary.[61]
The military-backed government promised to tackle the longstanding problems of corruption, filing charges against more than 160 politicians, civil servants and businessmen in 2007. Among those charged were Khaleda Zia and her two sons, as well as Sheikh Hasina, leader of the Awami League.[62]
The Bangladesh Election Commission invited Hafizuddin's faction, rather than Khaleda Zia's, to participate in talks, effectively recognising the former as the legitimate BNP. Khaleda Zia challenged this in court, but her appeal was rejected on 10 April 2008.[62] After her release later that year, Zia was restored to her position as party leader.[63]
In the 2008 Bangladesh general election, the 4-party alliance led by BNP won 33 seats out of 299 constituencies, of which the BNP alone got 30.[64]
After sanctions by the Election Commission, the party held country-wide events for local leaders to play an active role in the national party.[65] The BNP National Council empowered re-elected party chairperson Khaleda Zia to pick other members for the National Executive Committee and Standing Committee.[66] It elected her eldest son, Tarique Rahman, to the powerful post as Senior vice-chairman, in a "move apparently designed to smooth his path to the party helm."[66]
Post-election campaigns (2012 – present)
After several movements in a period of severe political unrest between 2012 and 2014 to prevent the ruling party from holding the 10th general election in January 2014 without a neutral caretaker government, Khaleda led BNP and its allies in a boycott of the election. Incidents of violence were reported on polling day including the bombing of election centres, which the BNP and its allies were accused of. Over 100 people were killed in the 2016 Union Parishad Election in violent clashes between Awami League and BNP supporters.[67] In 2016, the BNP announced its new National Standing Committee, in which Khaleda retained her position as chairperson. New members were recruited while some older members were removed, and various new strategies for party operation were formulated.[68][69] In May 2017, Khaleda revealed BNP's Vision 2030 to gain public support for the next general elections.[70] However the ruling Awami League government denounced Vision 2030 as an act of plagiarism of Awami League's Vision 2021 which they used in the ninth general election and claimed most of the targets in the Visions were fulfilled by Awami League, thus declaring BNP's Vision 2030 as unoriginal. BNP also announced it will hold processions to hold the 11th general elections under a neutral government. This renewed tensions between BNP and Awami League.
On 8 February 2018, Khaleda Zia and her son Tarique Rahman as per court verdict, were jailed for 5 and 10 years respectively due to involvement in the Zia Charitable Trust corruption case. While Tarique was in exile, Khaleda was imprisoned in the old Dhaka Central Jail on Nazimuddin Road. In protest, BNP held nationwide demonstrations, which were foiled by a well-prepared police force across the nation. A large number of BNP activists were arrested during clashes with the police during the protests against Khaleda's imprisonment.[71]
On 9 October 2018, the Bangladesh government formed a nine-member group to detect and monitor rumors on social media sites such as Facebook. Tarana Halim said the group's goal was to ensure that "people [have] the right information only."[72] Two months later, approximately 30 accounts linked to the spreading of fictitious news reports regarding the BNP were blocked from Facebook and Twitter.[73]
After the jailing of chairperson Begum Khaleda Zia, BNP expedited the process of forging a national unity with prominent leaders of the country. In October 2018, the party formally announced its joining of Jatiya Oikya Front with Dr. Kamal Hossain at its forefront.[74]
There was controversy in the run-up to the elections surrounding the nomination of banned Jamaat candidates under the BNP banner. In 2013, the Jamaat-e-Islami was banned from registering and therefore contesting in elections by the High Court, citing their charter in violation of the constitution.[75][76] However, 25 Jamaat candidates ran in the election, with 22 nominations for BNP and 3 running as independents.[77][78] An investigation was launched but on 23 December the Election Commission Secretary Helaluddin Ahmed said they had examined the related law and "there is no scope for rejecting the Jamaat leaders' candidacy at this moment."[78] On 26 December, just days before the election, Jatiya Oikya Front leader Kamal Hossain expressed his regret about Jamaat's involvement in the elections under his alliance, claiming "had I known [that Jamaat leaders will be given BNP tickets] I would not have been part of it."[79] The media, however, had reported at the end of November that this was happening.[77][80]
On the anniversary of the founding of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) in 2024, leaders and activists paid tribute at the shrine of the party's founder, Ziaur Rahman.
On 26 March 2020, BNP chairperson Khaleda Zia's prison sentence was suspended for six months amid the COVID-19 pandemic, and she was granted a conditional release because she received medical treatment within the country and did not travel abroad.[81] The six-month suspension has been granted for a total of six consecutive times, with the most recent one being on 18 September 2022.[82] Since Zia's release, the BNP campaigned for her unconditional release and for the ruling government to allow her to travel abroad.[83]
In preparation for the upcoming 2024 general election, the BNP launched a series of rallies which advocated for the resignation of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and the return of the caretaker government.[84] During a rally held in Dhaka on 10 December 2022, seven BNP lawmakers announced their resignation from the current government in demands of the dissolution of parliament, the formation of a new election commission, and allowing the election to be held under a neutral caretaker government.[85]
Bangladesh Nationalist Party is a big tent party with politicians from various political backgrounds. Party's official website states its founding principles to be–"full faith and trust in Allah", Bangladeshi nationalism, democracy and socialism "in the sense of economic and social justice".[90] Political experts such as Professor Sirajul Islam Chowdhury, a former professor of Dhaka University, thinks that BNP's ideological definition came only after the establishment of the party.[91]
BNP was originally formed when a political vacuum was occurring in Bangladesh, mainly resulting from the coups–countercoups of 1975. As a result, after the withdrawal of military rule, various politicians, regardless of party & ideological affiliation, joined the newly formed BNP to return to mainstream politics.[91] Many of them had contradictory ideologies to each other, including politicians from various Islamist parties to "pro-China left and NAP". Some BNP leaders famously said that BNP's political position is "on the left of the right and the right of the left".[22] Many political experts believe that since BNP was born after Awami League was overthrown, the BNP was an attempt to establish a position in the areas where Awami League was moderate.[91]
Concerning the ideology, Syed Manjurul Islam, a professor of the English department at Dhaka University, stated,
"Ziaur Rahman thought that he would do a particular politics based on Bangladesh which the left to the Islamists would be united. As a result, he would forward keeping distance from those who believed in Bengali nationalism or the spirit of the Liberation War."[91]
"The changes that were made in many fundamental issues become the basis or ideology of the party. [...] Bangladeshi nationalism, faith in Allah, Bismillahir Rahmanir Rahim and establishment of a justice-based society - these are BNP was born with these as ideals. At the same time, BNP promoted private ownership and a free market economy. BNP still stands on these ideals."[91]
Nationalism
Bangladeshi nationalism is the central ideology of the party. It was adopted from the 19-point program, which declared, "The sovereignty and independence of Bangladesh, golden fruits of the historic liberation struggle, is our sacred trust and inviolable right."[citation needed] According to its founder Ziaur Rahman, the "Bangladeshi" identity, based on its history, traditions, culture and geographical territory, is different from the neighbouring nations and unique to itself.[93] BNP's declaration supports a populism based on nationalism.[94] Proponents of Bangladeshi nationalism argue that this ideology has an edge over the Bengali nationalism because of its territorial appeal which succeeds to include the indigenous peoples of Bangladesh as well as distinguishes the people of Bangladesh from the Bengali people of India.[95]
Economy
The party fiscally calls itself socialist,[90] but practically BNP promotes economic liberalism and supports a free-market economy with limited intervention.[96] Rahman believed that the previous socialist-influenced economy had been in a poor shape because of "years of colonial-style exploitation". To abate the deteriorating conditions, a revamp of the economic system is required. According to Mubashar Hasan, this new economic system was primarily an "outline for a capitalist system".[97] Despite being located to the right-of-centre, founding principles of the party included social and economic justice in light of socialism.[90] This is because, at the time of its establishment, the country was in a political shift from left to right and a major part of politicians of the newly established party came from a leftist political background, who favored socialism for economic and exploitation freedom. Since, the party was divided on a large scale by the mixture of left–right political spectrum at the beginning, Rahman presented social justice as a common factor of political doctrine to establish national unity. The party still consists of a large number of progressives and social liberals, as well as fiscal liberals. According to Mallick, early BNP was inspired by the European social liberal policies which supported equal distribution of wealth and social welfare but opposed strong economic regulatory policies of its predecessor Awami League.[92]
BNP's position on religion remains mixed and debated. The founding manifesto of the BNP claims that the people of Bangladesh want to "...see that all-out faith and confidence in the almighty Allah, democracy, nationalism". Although the party does not officially call itself Islamic, its official website states that the party aims to "preserve the age old human values of the Bangladeshi people through the teaching of Islam–religion of the majority of Bangladeshi people and other religions".[96] Upon taking power, Ziaur Rahman introduced a state-sponsored Islamization process that had a significant impact on Bangladeshi society and culture.[98]
However at the same time, the party also promotes religious freedom and tolerance as a component of Bangladeshi nationalism. Many founding leaders of the party were non-Muslims. Ziaur Rahman rejected theocracy as the governing system for Bangladesh.[99] Moreover, in 2023, BNP leader Iqbal Hasan Mahmud Tuku claimed the party to be secular.[100] According to Mallick, BNP is not a religion-based party in a traditional sense and it has a moderate stance on religion.[92] BNP's stance for conservatism represents "a mixture of traditional Bengali customs and moderate Islam".[98] But still, due to the party's sympathy for Islam, Islamist parties like Jamaat-e-Islami have come to view it as a more comfortable coalition partner than its counterpart Awami League.
The main objective of BNP's foreign policy is to maintain good relationships with the Western world, the Muslim World and the Third World,[96] as well as to maintain a balanced relationship with India. BNP has been described as Indosceptic many times.[98][101] After Ziaur Rahman became the president, his government started to distance themselves from India. Some sources say that the Indo-Bangladesh relations were at their worst in memory during Rahman's presidency.[102]: 93 Anti-Indo-Soviet axis foreign policy was initiated.[102]: 94 On 11 December 1991, in an interview with The Hindu, then Prime Minister Khaleda Zia said, "We do not want to see the rise of any major power in this region, because it will disturb the peace, stability and balance in this region", here she meant India as the major power.[102]: 117
In 2024, some of the BNP leaders, including Ruhul Kabir Rizvi, joined the "Boycott India" campaign.[12][103] In August 2024, BNP secretary general Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir expressed a desire to "move past previous differences and collaborate", assuring India that the BNP would not permit activities that would threaten India's security, but stated that relations would decline if India did not extradite Hasina.[104]
Ziaur Rahman's government focused on the strengthening of its relationship with the Muslim world and the Arab world. His government amended the Constitution adding articles 25(1) & 25(2) declaring the establishment of brotherhood with the Muslim countries. Until he died in 1981, Rahman regularly visited Muslim countries. Following his predecessor Mostaq, his government continued the close relationship with Pakistan. His government abandoned secularism and socialism in favour of building good ties with the Muslim world.[102]: 94
Besides, Ziaur Rahman facilitated the investment of Western capital in the country by taking liberal economic measures.[102]: 94 His government improved relations with United States and China.
BNP government's foreign policy during the second premiership of Khaleda Zia between 2001 and 2006 was called "Look East Foreign Policy". In 2002, Prime Minister Zia visited Thailand, Myanmar and China and met with the leaders of those countries to expand Bangladesh's foreign policy to the east.[102]: 98 The policy was taken to reduce the fiscal and strategic dependence on India.
National Standing Committee
As of 16 August 2024, standing committee members are followings:[105][106]
^Except Chattogram, mayoral post has been dissolved in all other city corporations of the country
^Official romanisation in party's website, actual romanisation would be Bāṅlādēś Jātīẏôtābādī Dôl.
Citations
^ ab"Why BNP's tirade against PM Hasina's India visit sounds hollow". The Daily Star: Bangladesh's Islamist opposition too seems to be on an overdrive to belittle Hasina whenever she is on a visit to India. But these high-pitch allegations ring hollow. 9 September 2022. Archived from the original on 9 September 2022. Retrieved 9 September 2022.
^Riaz, Ali (2003). ""God Willing": The Politics and Ideology of Islamism in Bangladesh". Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East. 23 (1–2): 301–320. doi:10.1215/1089201X-23-1-2-301.
^"Bangladesh election: Voters prepare to go to polls amid 'atmosphere of fear' for opposition activists". The Independent. 23 December 2018. Archived from the original on 28 December 2020. Retrieved 31 July 2020. On Friday, Facebook and Twitter said they had shut down around 30 accounts that had been spreading fake news against the Bangladeshi opposition, some of which appeared to be linked to government figures. The accounts included Facebook pages designed to mimic legitimate news outlets, among them the BBC. False stories included accounts of deep divisions within the BNP's organisational structure, and a made-up tale about Ms Zia firing the party's general secretary in a videotaped message from prison.
Hasan, Mubashar (2020). Islam and Politics in Bangladesh: The Followers of Ummah. Singapore: Springer Nature. ISBN978-981-15-1116-5.
Huq, Abdul F. (1984). "The problem of National Identity in Bangladesh". Journal of Social Studies. 24: 47–73.
Islam, AKM Maidul (2015), Atmosottar Rajniti Ebong Amar Bhabna আত্মসত্তার রাজনীতি এবং আমার ভাবনা (in Bengali), Hatekhari
Khan, Manjur Rashid (2015), Amar Sainik Jibon: Pakistan theke Bangladesh আমার সৈনিক জীবনঃ পাকিস্তান থেকে বাংলাদেশ (in Bengali), Prothoma, ISBN978-984-33-3879-2
Rahman, Mohammad Habibur (2013), বাংলাদেশের রাজনৈতিক ঘটনাপঞ্জি ১৯৭১-২০১১ [Bangladesh Political Events (1971–2011)] (in Bengali), Prothoma, ISBN978-984-90255-6-6
van Schendel, Willem; Guhathakurta, Meghna (2013). The Bangladesh Reader: History, Culture, Politics. Duke University Press. p. 550. ISBN978-0-8223-5318-8.
![[icon]](File:Wiki_letter_w_cropped.svg){kind=small}
