2023 Serbian parliamentary election

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All 250 seats in the National Assembly 126 seats needed for a majority
Turnout	58.77% ( 0.24pp)
Electoral list Leader Vote % Seats +/– AV–SNSDS Miloš Vučević 48.06 129 +9 SPN Marinika Tepić, Miroslav Aleksić 24.32 65 +25 SPS–JS–Zeleni Ivica Dačić 6.73 18 −13 NADA Miloš Jovanović 5.16 13 −1 MI–GIN Branimir Nestorović 4.82 13 +12 Minority lists VMSZ Bálint Pásztor 1.74 6 +1 SPP–DSHV Usame Zukorlić 0.78 2 −2 SDAS Sulejman Ugljanin 0.59 2 0 PBASN Shaip Kamberi 0.36 1 0 RS–NKPJ Slobodan Nikolić 0.31 1 New This lists parties that won seats. See the complete results below. Most voted-for party by municipality Prime Minister before Prime Minister after Ana Brnabić SNS Miloš Vučević SNS

Parliamentary elections were held in Serbia on 17 December 2023 to elect members of the National Assembly. While they were initially scheduled to be held by 30 April 2026, Aleksandar Vučić, the president of Serbia, called a snap election in November 2023. In addition to the parliamentary elections, the Vojvodina provincial and local elections were held in 65 cities and municipalities, including the capital, Belgrade.

The Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) came to power after the 2012 election when it formed a coalition government with the Socialist Party of Serbia. In the 2022 parliamentary election, SNS lost its parliamentary majority while opposition parties returned to the National Assembly. The United for the Victory of Serbia alliance, which placed second, was dissolved shortly after the election. Ana Brnabić, who has been the prime minister since 2017, and her third cabinet were inaugurated in October 2022. Her cabinet saw several changes in 2023; Branko Ružić resigned and Rade Basta was dismissed. Brnabić's cabinet has also been involved in the North Kosovo crisis and was faced with anti-government protests from May to November 2023, which were triggered after the Belgrade school shooting and a mass murder near Mladenovac and Smederevo.

Opposition parties organising the protests formed the Serbia Against Violence coalition in October. The campaign was met with an increase in political tensions, polarisation, and voter intimidation. Candidates campaigned on issues such as fighting against crime and corruption, decreasing inflation, and the Ohrid Agreement. Despite not being a candidate and no longer being president of SNS, Vučić mainly represented SNS during the campaign. The Republic Electoral Commission proclaimed 18 electoral lists for the parliamentary election.

Monitoring and non-governmental organisations reported that the election day was marked with electoral fraud, mostly in the Belgrade region. ODIHR concluded that the elections were well organised, but that SNS had a systematic advantage in the election and abused public funds. The election resulted into SNS regaining its parliamentary majority, despite opinion polls predicting a decrease of support, and SPS suffering from its worst result since the 2007 election. The We – Voice from the People of conspiracy theorist Branimir Nestorović also unexpectedly gained representation in the National Assembly. Mass protests were held in December, with SPN and other organisers calling for the annulment of election results. Miloš Vučević formed his cabinet in May 2024.

A populist coalition, led by the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS), came to power after the 2012 election, along with the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS).^[1][2] Aleksandar Vučić, who initially served as deputy prime minister and later as prime minister, was elected president of Serbia in 2017 and re-elected in 2022.^[3][4] Since he came to power, observers have assessed that Serbia has suffered from democratic backsliding into authoritarianism, followed by a decline in media freedom and civil liberties.^[5][6] In 2023, the V-Dem Institute categorised Serbia as an electoral autocracy, while Freedom House noted that SNS "eroded political rights and civil liberties, put pressure on independent media, the opposition, and civil society organisations".^[7][8][9]

The Together We Can Do Everything coalition, which was led by SNS, lost its parliamentary majority in the 2022 parliamentary election; the election also oversaw twelve electoral lists in total cross the 3% threshold, including the ones from the opposition.^[10] Non-governmental and election monitoring organisations reported that electoral irregularities occurred during the voting day.^[11][12][13] Following the election, the United for the Victory of Serbia (UZPS) coalition, which placed second, was dissolved due to inter-coalition conflicts.^[14][15] Ana Brnabić, who has been the prime minister of Serbia since 2017, and her third cabinet were sworn in on 26 October 2022.^[16] Rade Basta, a minister in Brnabić's cabinet, voiced his support for introducing sanctions on Russia in March 2023.^[17] SPS and United Serbia (JS) later submitted a proposal to dismiss him from government, which went successful.^[18][19] In May 2023, Vučić was succeeded by Miloš Vučević as president of SNS.^[20]

Beginning in July 2022, tensions between Serbia and Kosovo heightened, firstly due to the expiration of the eleven-year validity period for car documents.^[21][22] After negotiations with the diplomatic representatives of the European Union in August, an agreement on car documents was reached.^[23] The agreement went into effect on 1 September, with the deadline for obtaining new car documents set for 31 October 2022.^[22] A proposed agreement to normalise tensions between the two countries, later-informally known as the Ohrid Agreement, was sent to Serbia and Kosovo by diplomats Jens Plötner [de] and Emmanuel Bonne, and was leaked in September 2022.^[24] Its existence was confirmed by Serbia and Kosovo a month later.^[25] Shortly before the deadline for the car documents expired, Albin Kurti, the prime minister of Kosovo, announced that a phased implementation would instead be implemented up to 21 April 2023.^[26] In protest to the announcement, hundreds of Kosovo Serb police officers, mayors, and Serb List politicians resigned from their positions.^[27] Another agreement regarding documents was reached in November 2022, after negotiations with the European Union; it was announced that licence plates issued by Serbia would continue to be in use in North Kosovo.^[28][29]

After claims that the Regional Operational Support Unit (ROSU) allegedly raided North Mitrovica in December 2022, Serbia announced that it would deploy Serbian forces to Kosovo.^[30] The government of Kosovo denied the claim that ROSU entered North Mitrovica, while Kosovo Force rejected Serbia's request to deploy Serbian forces to Kosovo.^[31][32] Amidst this, barricades were put up in North Kosovo and ultranationalist protests were organised in Belgrade.^[33][34] Negotiations between Serbia and Kosovo continued, and in March 2023 Vučić and Kurti verbally agreed to implement the Ohrid Agreement.^[35]

An attack perpetrated by Serb militants occurred on 24 September 2023 in Banjska, a village in North Kosovo.^[36][37] The attack resulted in death of one Kosovo Police officer and three Serb militants.^[36] Milan Radoičić, a businessman and member of the Serb List, admitted being involved in the attack; he was later arrested by the government of Serbia, but the Supreme Court denied the motion to place Radoičić in custody for 30 days and he was ultimately released.^[38][39] In response to the attack, Serbia declared a national day of mourning for 27 September due to the death of three Serb militants.^[40] Kosovo alleged that the Serb participants had close relations with Vučić and the government of Serbia.^[41][42] The European Parliament also adopted a resolution to introduce measures against Serbia if proven to be directly involved in the attack.^[43]

In May 2023, the Belgrade school shooting and a mass murder near Mladenovac and Smederevo occurred.^[44][45] The government responded by adopting measures such as stricter regulations on gun ownership and hiring 1,200 police officers to schools.^[46][47] The response was also criticised, particularly due to the statement of Branko Ružić, the minister of education, who said that "a cancerous, pernicious influence of the Internet, video games, and so-called Western values, is evident" (evidentan je kancerogen, poguban uticaj interneta video igrica, takozvanih zapadnih vrednosti) in the shooting, and Brnabić, who said that the "system did not fail" (sistem nije zakazao) when responding to the claims that the government could have stopped the shootings.^[48][49]

This resulted in mass protests, named Serbia Against Violence, which began on 8 May.^[50][51] Tens of thousands of demonstrators attended the protests.^[52][53][54] Despite being organised by the Democratic Party (DS), Do not let Belgrade drown (NDB), Party of Freedom and Justice (SSP), People's Party (Narodna), and Together opposition parties, no party signs were reported to be seen at the protests.^[55] In response to Serbia Against Violence protests, Vučić held an SNS-organised gathering on 26 May.^[56] The protests have been continuously organised in Belgrade and other cities from May 2023 until November 2023.^[57][58][59]

In response to the shootings, and a day before the protests began, Ružić announced his resignation.^[60] Đorđe Milićević was appointed as acting minister and was succeeded by Slavica Đukić Dejanović in late July 2023.^[61][62] As one of the demands of the protests, organisers initiated a motion in the National Assembly to dismiss minister Bratislav Gašić in early July 2023, however, the motion was unsuccessful.^[63]

Politics of Serbia
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The 250 members of the National Assembly are elected by closed-list proportional representation from a single nationwide constituency.^[64][65] Eligible voters vote for electoral lists, on which the candidates of the accepted lists are present. A maximum of 250 candidates could be present on a single electoral list. An electoral list could be submitted by a registered political party, a coalition of political parties, or a citizens' group.^[65] To submit an electoral list, at least 10,000 valid signatures must be collected, though ethnic minority parties only need to collect 5,000 signatures to qualify on ballot.^[65][66] At least 40% of candidates on electoral lists must be female.^[67] The electoral list is submitted by its chosen representative or representatives. An electoral list could be declined, after which those who had submitted can fix the deficiencies in a span of 48 hours, or rejected, if the person is not authorised to nominate candidates. The name and date of the election, names of the electoral lists and its representatives, and information on how to vote are only present on the voting ballot.^[68]

The Republic Electoral Commission (RIK), local election commissions, and polling boards oversee the election.^[68] Seats are allocated using the d'Hondt method with an electoral threshold of 3% of all votes cast, although the threshold is waived for ethnic minority parties.^[64][69] The seats are distributed by dividing the total number of votes received by the electoral list participating in the distribution of seats by each number from one to 250. If two or more electoral lists receive the same quotients on the basis of which the seat is distributed, the electoral list that received the greater number of votes has the priority.^[68] Parliamentary seats are awarded to candidates from electoral lists according to their order, starting with the first candidate from an electoral list.^[65]

A parliamentary election is called by the president of Serbia, who also has to announce its date and dissolve the National Assembly in the process.^[65][68] According to law, the next parliamentary election was supposed to take place by 30 April 2026.^[70] It is possible for a snap election to take place.^[71] To vote, a person has to be a citizen and resident of Serbia and at least 18 years old.^[70] For those who live abroad, they are able to vote at diplomatic missions.^[64] At least five days before the election, citizens are notified about the election; citizens receive information about the day and time of the election and the address of the polling station where they can vote.^[65] Election silence begins two days before the voting day and it lasts until the closure of all polling stations.^[72] During the election day, eligible voters could vote from 07:00 (UTC+01:00) to 20:00, though if the polling station is opened later than 07:00, voting is then extended by the amount of time for which the opening of the polling station was delayed.^[68][73] Voters who are not able to vote at polling stations due to being sick, old, or invalid have to inform their election commission before 11:00 so that they could vote on the election day from their home between after 11:00.^[73]

In April 2023, newspaper Danas reported that the parliamentary elections, local elections, the Vojvodina provincial election, and the Belgrade City Assembly election could be held as early as in November 2023.^[74] Shortly after the beginning of the 2023 protests, Vučić hinted that snap elections could take place before September 2023.^[75][76] Vučić continued to hint that early parliamentary elections could be held either in September or December 2023, or concurrently with the local and Vojvodina provincial elections in April or May 2024.^[77][78] By law, the Vojvodina provincial election and regular local elections could have been held as late as 30 June 2024.^[79]

Newspaper Nova and news portal N1 reported in September 2023 that the government considered 19 December 2023 as the date for local, provincial, and parliamentary elections.^[80][81] Vučić and Vučević also held a gathering with officials from Vojvodina on 5 September, to discuss the Vojvodina provincial election.^[82] The 17 December date was later mentioned by Vučić on 27 September.^[83] The decision to hold snap elections was confirmed a day later at a government session.^[84] For the election to take place on 17 December, the government of Serbia had to formally propose to dissolve the National Assembly between 18 October and 2 November. The president of Serbia then had 72 hours to decide whether to dissolve the National Assembly or not.^[85] The government of Serbia sent Vučić the proposal to dissolve the National Assembly and organise local elections in 65 cities and municipalities on 30 October.^[86] On 1 November, Vučić dissolved the National Assembly and called the elections for 17 December.^[87] The official campaign period lasted 46 days.^[88] Ognjen Radonjić, a professor at the Faculty of Philosophy, and Dragan Popović, the director of the Centre for Practical Politics, argued that the Banjska attack was one of the main reasons why Vučić announced early elections.^[89] The Assembly of Vojvodina also dissolved itself on 16 November, also setting the provincial election date for 17 December.^[90]

The 2023 parliamentary election was the first parliamentary election to be held in the winter season since the 2007 parliamentary election, which was held on 21 January.^[91] Dejan Bursać, a teaching associate at the Institute for Political Studies, argued that ruling parties "avoid the winter for voting because the voters are more dissatisfied, the turnout cannot be easily controlled because of the weather, and the costs to the people are increased" (izbegavaju zimu za glasanje jer su glasači nezadovoljniji, a ne može se ni izlaznot lako kontrolisati zbog vremena i uz to su povećani troškovi ljudima).^[92] Ivana Petronijević Terzić, a Demostat journalist, has also listed increased inflation, higher bills due to heating, and worse weather conditions as one of the reasons, but also said that under "normal circumstances and a democratic atmosphere" (normalne okolonsti i demokratska atmosfera) these reasons would be a problem.^[92] In preparations for the elections, RIK began acquiring election equipment, including ballot boxes, UV lamps, and finger sprays, on 13 October.^[93]

A group of opposition parties, led by the Forward to Europe (PE) and Green–Left Front (ZLF) parliamentary groups, sent a joint letter to Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) and other election observers in Serbia in September 2023, with the request to declare the status of election conditions for the upcoming elections. PE and ZLF alleged that the conditions had worsened since the 2022 parliamentary election and said that the organisations should contemplate about rating the elections as not free and undemocratic if the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) advices were not implemented.^[94] In an Insajder interview, political scientist Cvijetin Milivojević [sr] also claimed that the conditions were worse in comparison with the previous election, but added that due to the short campaign timespan "it is impossible to fix those conditions now" (nemoguće je popraviti te uslove).^[95] Bursać and Jovana Đurbabić from non-governmental and monitoring organisation CRTA [sr] listed "unequal access to the media, campaign of party officials, and control of the elections at the polling stations" (nejednak pristup medijima, funkcionerska kampanja i kontrola samih izbora na biračkom mestu) as the three main problems of the election conditions in Serbia.^[96]

After PE and ZLF, Brnabić also called OSCE and ODIHR in October 2023 to monitor the elections, while accusing opposition parties of wanting foreign interference in the elections and trying to form an insight that elections in Serbia are not free and undemocratic.^[97][98][99] Brnabić claimed that the government of Serbia adopted most of the ODIHR advices and that election conditions were improved.^[100][101] In its analysis, CRTA claimed that conditions were only improved in administrative aspects and that recommendations related to voter pressure, misuse of public resources, and media coverage remained unfulfilled.^[101] ODIHR announced that it would monitor the elections and that it would deploy 30 long-term observers and 250 observers that would observe the elections on the election day.^[102] The National Youth Council of Serbia (KOMS) and a delegation of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) announced that they would also monitor the elections in Serbia.^[103][104] RIK announced that 5,587 observers would monitor the elections in total.^[105]

The Committee for Culture and Information of the National Assembly amended the ban on campaign of party officials, extending it to 30 days, as part of the proposed changes to the Law on Public Information and Media which the National Assembly adopted on 26 October.^[106][107] On the same day, the National Assembly also appointed general manager of the National Theatre Svetislav Goncić, political scientist Aleksandar Milosavljević, professor Dragan Vučinić, political scientist Jovanka Matić, science advisor Slobodan Prvanović, professor Branko Rakić, law counselor Miodrag Savović, professor Bojan Tubić, scientist Vojin Vučićević, and opera singer Aleksandar Stamatović as members of the supervisory board for the Election Campaign, which was established on 13 November.^[108][109]

In mid November 2023, ODIHR announced that it requested to collect the votes of Serbian citizens on Kosovo.^[110] Kurti responded by saying that "Kosovo and Serbia must reach a special agreement so that members of the Serbian community in Kosovo, who have dual citizenship, could vote on the territory of Kosovo in the Serbian parliamentary elections".^[111] On 23 November, RIK announced that there were no conditions to organise elections on Kosovo and that those with dual citizenship could instead exercise their right to vote in Serbian cities of Vranje, Kuršumlija, Raška, and Tutin.^[112] The European Union criticised Kosovo's rejection of holding the Serbian parliamentary election on its territory.^[113]

The table below lists political parties and coalitions elected to the National Assembly after the 2022 parliamentary election. Out of 19 electoral lists, only 7 crossed the 3% threshold while 5 minority electoral lists crossed the waived electoral threshold.^[114] The official results were postponed until 5 July, due to the repeated voting in Veliki Trnovac, where a seat in the National Assembly was battled between SPS and the Albanian Coalition of Preševo Valley (KSLP), led by the Party for Democratic Action.^[115][116] At the fifth repeat election, held on 30 June, KSLP won enough votes to earn a seat in the National Assembly.^[117]

The thirteenth convocation of the National Assembly held its first session on 1 August 2022, at which the 13th parliamentary composition was formalised.^[118][119] Vladimir Orlić of SNS was elected president of the National Assembly on 2 August, while Sandra Božić (SNS), Snežana Paunović (SPS), Elvira Kovács (Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians, VMSZ), Usame Zukorlić (Justice and Reconciliation Party, SPP), Božidar Delić (National Democratic Alternative, NADA), Borko Stefanović (SPP), and Zoran Lutovac (DS) were elected vice-presidents.^[120] Delić died shortly after taking office and was replaced by Vojislav Mihailović in November 2022.^[121][122] The composition of the National Assembly changed since the first session in August 2022; for example, the European Regions, a parliamentary group composed of minority interest parties, briefly existed until October 2022.^[123][124] The last session of the thirteenth convocation was held from 23 to 26 October.^[125][126]

Vučić hinted at a potential formation of a bloc or a movement in September 2022, which he later revealed in March 2023 to be the People's Movement for the State (NPZD).^[128][129] He said that NPZD would act as a "supra-party movement" (nadstranački pokret) and that SNS would not be dissolved.^[130] Vučević confirmed that SNS would take part in the movement.^[131] Initially announced to be formalised in May 2023, the date was subsequently moved towards autumn 2023.^[132][133] Political commentators pointed out that SPS is divided on the issue of joining NPZD and that as a result, the formalisation of NPZD was delayed.^[134] Predrag J. Marković, one of the vice-presidents of SPS, said that the identity of SPS would cease to exist if it had joined the movement.^[135] Considering that NPZD was not mentioned at the main board session of SNS in October 2023, analyst Đorđe Vukadinović of Nova srpska politička misao (NSPM) and political analyst Dragomir Anđelković argued that NPZD could be only as a slogan for the upcoming elections.^[136] Vučić, however, announced in late October 2023 that NPZD will be formed in the coming period.^[137] The movement was ultimately formalised in 2024.^[138]

Tomislav Žigmanov, the president of the Democratic Alliance of Croats in Vojvodina (DSHV), announced in October 2023 that DSHV would contest the 2023 election in an electoral alliance, with the justification being "because minorities in Serbia do not have guaranteed seats in the parliament" (jer u Srbiji manjine nemaju garantovana mesta u parlamentu).^[139] Rasim Ljajić, the president of the Social Democratic Party of Serbia (SDPS), announced that his party would contest the elections with SNS again.^[140] Healthy Serbia, led by Milan Stamatović, was announced as an addition to the SNS-led coalition.^[141] Additionally, SNS and SPS announced that they would not contest the parliamentary election together and that SPS would again take part in the election JS and Greens of Serbia (Zeleni).^[142][143]

After the dissolution of the UZPS coalition, SSP, Movement of Free Citizens, Movement for Reversal, and United Trade Unions of Serbia Sloga, formed the Ujedinjeni parliamentary group in the National Assembly in August 2022.^[14][144] Ujedinjeni changed its name to Forward to Europe in July 2023.^[145] Zdravko Ponoš, the presidential candidate of the UZPS coalition, left Narodna after the 2022 elections.^[146] He formed the Serbia Centre (SRCE) organisation in June 2022 and in July 2023 it was registered as a political party.^[147][148]

The We Must alliance was also dissolved after the 2022 elections, but its member parties said that they would continue cooperating in the National Assembly.^[119][149] Together, with Aleksandar Jovanović Ćuta, Biljana Stojković, and Nebojša Zelenović as its co-presidents, was formed in June 2022 as a merger of Together for Serbia, Ecological Uprising (EU), and Assembly of Free Serbia.^[150][151] Solidarity, which was also affiliated with the We Must alliance, merged into Together in January 2023.^[152] In August 2023, Ćuta and other members of EU left Together and joined the parliamentary group led by People's Movement of Serbia (NPS).^[153][154] NDB announced in late June 2022 that it had adopted a platform to work on becoming a registered political party; it began collecting signatures in May 2023.^[155][156] NDB also announced that it would rename itself to Green–Left Front (ZLF).^[157] ZLF was formalised in July 2023.^[158]

Within Narodna, a dispute between its president Vuk Jeremić and vice-president Miroslav Aleksić began in June 2023.^[159] Aleksić was eventually removed from the position of the party's executive board in July 2023; he then publicly acknowledged the conflict between him and Jeremić.^[160][161] Although a leadership election was scheduled for October 2023, Aleksić left Narodna and reconstituted NPS in August 2023.^[162] Together with Miloš Parandilović, the president of the New Face of Serbia (NLS), they formed a parliamentary group in the National Assembly.^[163]

Following his dismissal from JS, Basta formed the European Way Movement (PEP), now portraying himself as an opposition politician.^[164][165] Mladen Mrdalj, a political scientist, criticised Basta as an opportunist.^[165] PEP announced in September 2023 that it would contest the upcoming elections.^[166] Besides Basta, former SNS-turned-opposition politicians Zorana Mihajlović, Dragan Šormaz, and Stanislava Pak formed the Always for Serbia organisation in September 2023.^[167] Opposition parties organising the Serbia Against Violence protests refused to cooperate with them due to formerly being aligned with SNS.^[168]

In an interview for newspaper Nova in August 2023, Marinika Tepić, one of the vice-presidents of SSP, stated that the creation of an electoral alliance of political parties that organise the Serbia Against Violence protests is possible. "During this one year of work in the National Assembly, and especially in these last three months during the protests, we, [opposition parties], managed to build trust stronger than ever before" (Tokom ovih godinu dana rada u Narodnoj skupštini, a naročito u poslednja tri meseca tokom protesta, uspeli da izgradimo poverenje snažno kao nikad do sad), Tepić said.^[169] It was noted that DS, SRCE, Together, and ZLF opposition parties intensively cooperated with each other, as early as April 2023.^[170][171] DS, SRCE, and Together signed a cooperation agreement in late August 2023, establishing greater cooperation between the parties.^[172][173] Slobodan Cvejić of SRCE expressed his support for creating even greater cooperation between opposition parties.^[174]

Radomir Lazović of ZLF also announced in July 2023 that ZLF prepared framework principles of cooperation to achieve non-aggression among opposition parties, joint control of elections, and consolidation of parties into a bigger alliance.^[175] Lazović has, however, opposed the creation of a single coalition of all opposition parties, stating that it could possibly lead to the loss of votes.^[176] PE member parties, ZLF, DS, Together, NPS, EU, and NLS signed an agreement, titled Agreement for Victory, in late September 2023, announcing joint support for calling snap elections and electoral reforms.^[177] At an 18 October press conference, Srđan Milivojević of DS, said that there were "no dissonant voices" (nema disonantnih tonova) at the negotiations about the creation of a joint alliance.^[178] Nova–DS2P and the Social Democratic Party (SDS), led by former president of Serbia Boris Tadić, both expressed support for joining the opposition alliance.^[179][180] The agreement between the parties was reached on 26 October and the coalition, named Serbia Against Violence (SPN), was formalised and presented to the public a day later.^[181][182]

From the political right, Milica Đurđević Stamenkovski, the president of the Serbian Party Oathkeepers (SSZ), expressed her opposition towards creating a joint opposition alliance due to foreign policy differences.^[183] Boško Obradović, the president of Dveri, has, however, voiced support for the formation of a "state-building bloc" (državotvorni blok) that would include SSZ and National Democratic Alternative (NADA); Obradović also added that he also saw Narodna as a member in their bloc.^[184] Miloš Jovanović, the president of the New Democratic Party of Serbia (NDSS), stated that NADA would be open to cooperate with Dveri and SSZ, while Jeremić called for the formation of a coalition that would include Dveri, SSZ, NADA, and Enough is Enough (DJB).^[185][186] In October 2023, Dveri and SSZ formalised a coalition, named National Gathering (NO), for the upcoming elections; they also invited NADA and Narodna to join their bloc.^[187] NADA, however, held separate negotiations with Narodna instead.^[188] Additional negotiations between Dveri, SSZ, NADA, and Narodna were held in late October 2023, however, the parties were unable to form a joint electoral alliance due to SSZ rejecting the proposed document.^[189][190] Narodna and the Serbian Radical Party (SRS), led by Vojislav Šešelj, opted to take part in the elections independently.^[191][192]

With the dissolution of the National Assembly and a call for elections to be held on 17 December, the deadline to submit electoral lists was set for 26 November.^[193] The collective electoral list was published by RIK on 1 December, with 2,818 candidates listed in total.^[194] The following table includes electoral lists that were confirmed by RIK and that took part in the 2023 parliamentary election.^[195] The electoral lists of PEP, which submitted its electoral list under two Bunjevci minority parties, and Pavle Bihali of Levijatan-led Russian Minority Alliance were rejected by RIK due to not having enough valid signatures.^{[196][197][198]}

^M — National minority list

Croatian daily newspaper Večernji list described the 2023 election as "the most uncertain election since 2012".^[215] Political scientist and journalist Aleksandar Ivković argued that the campaign was unprincipled, listing graffitis, posters, music videos, and tabloid media content that were perpetrated against opposition parties.^[216] Political scientist Boban Stojanović estimated that the political friction did not decrease and that "political violence will be seen until the end of the election campaign" (političko nasilje biće prisutno do kraja kampanje).^[217] Stojanović said that the election was more uncertain than the 2022 election.^[218]

During their visit in Serbia, PACE representatives concluded that the campaign was met with polarisation and intimidation from the government.^[219] Raša Nedeljkov from CRTA expected a rigorous and "dirty" (prljavu) campaign with bigotry as its cornerstone; he listed the targeting of political opponents, media representatives, civil society organisations, and election observers as examples.^[220] CRTA claimed that voter intimidation increased during the campaign period.^[221] During the first three weeks of the election campaign, CRTA reported in its analysis that "inequality, suspicions and threats" (neravnopravnost, sumnje i pretnje) were seen, claiming that government parties had significant advantage due to the abuse of public institutions.^[222] Amidst the campaign, the Centre for Investigative Journalism of Serbia (CINS) also released a report in which it was revealed that during the campaign period a youth organisation operating a call centre was tasked with intimidating voters. CINS also reported that the call centre also possessed a database of voters, with voters sorted in groups based on whether they are a member of SNS, a SNS voter, or a non-SNS voter.^[223]

An informal organisation of high school students launched a campaign in October 2023 named "It's Up To You Too" (I ti se pitaš), aimed at first-time voters in the 2023 parliamentary election.^[224] The Civic Initiatives, a non-governmental organisation, also launched a campaign with activists, professors, and public figures to boost the turnout and the number of controllers (members of polling stations) in the 2023 election.^[225] A group of public figures, including actors Svetlana Bojković, Dragan Bjelogrlić, former Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts president Vladimir S. Kostić, legal scholar and judge Miodrag Majić, and former University of Belgrade rector Ivanka Popović, formed the initiative ProGlas on 7 November 2023 to boost the electoral turnout for the 2023 election and "stop the explosion of crime and corruption in society" (zaustave eksploziju kriminala i korupcije u društvu).^[226] The ProGlas initiative received than more 100,000 signatures of support by 15 November.^[227] Regarding ProGlas, political scientist Duško Radosavljević said that "if we will remember this campaign for something, it will be because of the attempt by professional and respected people to ask for a new understanding of politics. For me, that is a force that provides a real chance for Serbia to be better" (Ako ćemo po nečemu pamtiti ovu kampanju, to će biti taj pokušaj stručnih i uglednih ljudi da zatraže novo poimanje politike. To je za mene neka sila koja pruža realnu šansu da Srbija bude bolja).^[228]

The 2023 parliamentary election campaign also saw the increase of usage of the social media platform TikTok among politicians.^[229][230] Vučić, Tadić, Tepić, SPS president Ivica Dačić, and finance minister Siniša Mali all joined the platform in November 2023, to present themselves to younger voters.^[229][231] Jelena Kleut, a professor at the Faculty of Philosophy of the University of Belgrade, said that "knowing the Serbian Progressive Party, this move is based on data suggesting that the TikTok electorate might be interested in going to the polls in the election" (Znajući Srpsku naprednu stranku, taj potez je zasnovan na nekim podacima koji govore da bi biračko telo koje se nalazi na TikTok-u moglo da bude zainteresovano da na ovim izborima izađe na glasanje).^[229]

Shortly before the election was called, Bursać predicted that the campaign would be filled with "negative topics" (negativnim temama) such as the ongoing tensions with Kosovo, jeopardised foreign policy positions due to the tensions with Kosovo, rising prices, and the mass shootings that occurred in May 2023.^[92] Vojislav Mihailović of CRTA said that opposition parties should put local politics, economy, corruption, crime and violence, as its main topics while campaigning, while he noted that respondents in opinion polls that CRTA conducted were mostly concerned about the economy.^[269]

Bojan Bilbija, a Politika journalist, Zoran Panović, a Demostat journalist, and Miloš Garić, the editor-in-chief of Kosovo Online, jointly agreed that economic issues and the North Kosovo crisis would be the main issues of the elections.^[270] Vladimir Pejić, the director of Agency Faktor Plus, listed the North Kosovo crisis, economic issues, and the fight against crime and corruption as the main issues of the election.^[271] Milivojević and political consultant Nikola Tomić named Kosovo as the main issue for the upcoming elections.^[272] Klačar named living standards, inflation and prices, Kosovo, foreign policy positions, and European Union membership as main issues,^[273] while Stojanović listed living standards, inflation, and Kosovo as main topics, also claiming that "there will also be enormous pressure on SNS voters, on public sector employees, and blackmailing".^[274]

According to the preliminary report of the Agency for the Prevention of Corruption from 14 December, SNS spent €4,500,000 during the campaign period, while SPS spent €1,600,000 and VMSZ spent around €100,000. From the opposition, Serbia on the West alliance spent more than €200,000, SPN spent €82,000, Narodna spent €46,000, We – Voice from the People spent €4,490, and SRS spent €1,500. From minority parties, the Russian Party spent €162,000.^[275]

Despite no longer being president of SNS, Vučić mainly represented the party throughout the election campaign.

Tomislav Nikolić, former president of Serbia, was featured as a speaker at several rallies, despite retiring in 2017.^[276]

Vučević announced that SNS would begin its campaign in late October, after the 15-year anniversary of the founding assembly of SNS.^[277] Despite this, SNS organised gatherings with its supporters before the 15-year celebration to promote the party for the upcoming elections.^[278] SNS was endorsed by its former party president Vučić, who also announced that Tomislav Nikolić, former president of Serbia and president of SNS, would participate in its campaign.^[279][280] SNS began collecting signatures for its electoral list on 1 November.^[281] The party submitted its list to RIK a day later, with 92,637 signatures in total.^[282] RIK confirmed its list on 3 November with 88,083 valid signatures collected.^[199]

Stefan Krkobabić, the leader of Party of United Pensioners of Serbia (PUPS) in the National Assembly, expressed his support for SNS during the campaign, while announcing that PUPS would campaign on introducing a guaranteed social pension.^[283] The Strength of Serbia Movement, a SNS ally since 2010,^[284] announced that they would not contest the 2023 parliamentary election; the Serbian Renewal Movement of Vuk Drašković did not sign a cooperation agreement with SNS for the 2023 election, though two of its candidates still contested the election on the SNS electoral list.^[285] Individuals who were formerly critical of SNS and Vučić, including Tatjana Macura, formerly aligned with DJB, Radoslav Milojičić, formerly aligned with DS, and Dejan Bulatović, formerly aligned with SSP, were announced as candidates on the SNS electoral list.^[286]

Despite no longer being the president of SNS, but still serving as president of Serbia, Vučić was its main representative in the election campaign.^[287][288] He was not a candidate in any elections in 2023.^[289] During the campaign, Vučić strongly criticised the opposition, alleging that a vote for them is "a vote for the president of the Party of Freedom and Justice, Dragan Đilas, a vote for the independence of Kosovo, and for the introduction of sanctions to Russia" (svaki glas za opoziciju glas za predsednika Stranke slobode i pravde Dragana Đilasa, glas za nezavisnost Kosova i za uvođenje sankcija [Rusiji]),^[290] and that Đilas controlled the entire opposition.^[291] He portrayed the election as "between the past... and the future" (između "prošlosti" ... i "budućnosti), while alleging with Vučević that there was a plan to overthrow SNS from power.^{[292][293][294]} Brnabić and Minister Aleksandar Martinović claimed that the opposition wanted to create disorder and incite a civil war, respectively.^[295][296] These statements were criticised by CRTA, and opposition politicians such as Lazović, Obradović, and Jovanović.^[297][298]

SNS campaigned on populist messages. Vučić announced on 29 October that the government of Serbia would by 1 December payout din. 10,000 to beneficiaries of social assistance, of which there are 170,000 in Serbia, to blind, demented, and elderly persons, of which there are 51,000, and that students would receive discounts on train and plane tickets.^[299] Despite the government denying that this decision would influence the voters, Nemanja Nenadić, from non-profit organisation Transparency Serbia, listed the payouts and discounts as "one of the ways to subtly influence the will of the citizens, to make them think that the government makes concessions to them" (jedan od načina da se malo suptilnije utiče na volju građana, da pomisle kako im vlast čini ustupke).^[300] In response to Vučić's campaign, DS submitted a report to the Anti-Corruption Agency, alleging that Vučić allegedly abused power to boost SNS in the elections. The Bureau of Social Research (BIRODI) also claimed that Vučić violated Article 40 of the Law on Prevention of Corruption.^[301] Zoran Čvorović, a professor at the Faculty of Law, argued that as president of Serbia, Vučić violated the constitution due to him being listed as the representatives of all SNS-led lists in the 2023 elections.^[302] RIK rejected all 15 citizens' complaints related to Vučić being listed in the name of the SNS-led electoral list, despite not taking part in the elections, saying that "Vučić has agreed on paper for his name to be mentioned on the electoral list" (Vučić pismeno saglasio da svoje ima da jednoj listi).^[303] The government of Serbia introduced more populist measures in late November, such as din. 10,000 payouts to high school students.^[304]

Orlić and Nevena Đurić, vice-presidents of SNS, campaigned in Ruma, where they pledged citizens more investments in infrastructure, education, and technology.^[305] Another campaign meeting was held on 9 November in Pirot, featuring Vučić, Brnabić, Vučević, Stamatović, and PUPS leader Milan Krkobabić as speakers.^[306] SNS also campaigned on improving the status of women and introducing more mammograms in Serbian hospitals.^[307][308] The party has also expressed its support for the accession of Serbia to the European Union.^[309] Nikolić made his first public appearance since 2017 at the SNS convention in Belgrade on 2 December.^[310] SNS held its last convention in Novi Sad on 13 December.^[311]

SPS, JS, and Zeleni signed a cooperation agreement on 1 November, announcing that they would contest the elections together under the same electoral list name, "Ivica Dačić – Prime Minister of Serbia", that they contested with in the 2022 parliamentary election.^[312] The SPS-led coalition submitted its list to RIK on 2 November, with more than 20,000 signatures.^[313] RIK confirmed their list on 4 November with 19,618 valid signatures in total.^[200] Boban Stojanović said that RIK should have rejected the SPS electoral list due to a number of signatures of support being certified by notaries who are not listed in the notaries database.^[314]

Despite being a coalition government partner with SNS since 2012, SPS official Dušan Bajatović was a target of attacks in articles published by pro-government media.^[315] During the campaign period, SPS presented themselves as "guarantees of political stability" (garant političke stabilnosti) while also expressing support for youth rights and youth activism.^[316][317] Dačić also to portrayed the coalition as socialist; while campaigning in Ljubovija, Dačić said that their voters would automatically also vote for "patriotism and socialism" (patriotizam i socijalizam).^[318] While campaigning in Mrčajevci, Dačić also said that the SPS coalition supports free education, free universal health care, and social funds.^[319] Dačić also reflected on his opinions about Milošević during the campaign, saying that "Milošević was an example of how to love and defend your country" (Milošević bio primer kako se zemlja voli i brani).^[320] The SPS coalition also expressed its support for the accession of Serbia to the European Union.^[309]

Members of the SPN coalition, with the addition of Romanian Party and the Civic Democratic Party, signed a cooperation agreement on 3 November, saying that the "fight against crime and corruption, stopping inflation and the impoverishment of citizens, restoring pensions reduced in 2014, and the importance of security, especially for the youngest" (borbe protiv kriminala i korupcije, zaustavljanja inflacije ii osiromašenja gradjana, vraćanje penzija smanjenih 2014. godine i značaj bezbednosti, posebno za najmlađe) would be their main issues during the campaign.^[321] SPN submitted its list to RIK on 8 November.^[322] Their electoral list was confirmed by RIK on 9 November.^[205] While the negotiations were still ongoing, Lutovac listed Gordana Matković, a minister under the governments of Zoran Đinđić and Zoran Živković, and Ivan Vujačić [sr], former leader of DS in the National Assembly, as two potential candidates for the position of prime minister.^[323] SPN, however, decided to present Tepić and Aleksić as their two main representatives.^[181]

Before and during the official campaign period, politicians affiliated with SPN, including Tepić, Aleksić, Ćuta, and Srđan Milivojević, a DS member of the National Assembly, were featured on propaganda flyers that were spread in Novi Sad and Belgrade, depicting them in a negative matter.^[324][325] Pavle Grbović, the president of PSG, was also featured on posters that depicted him as an Ustaša.^[326] The posters that featured Grbović were promoted by Đorđe Dabić, a SNS state secretary.^[324] Aleksić accused Vučić of being behind these ideas, while Grbović filed complaints about the posters.^[327][328] Janko Veselinović, the leader of the Movement for Reversal, was physically assaulted in Novi Sad on 12 November by a director of the public greenery company.^[329] Attacks on SSP offices on Zvezdara, a Belgrade municipality, were conducted on 16 November.^[330]

SPN campaigned on returning "stolen pensions" (otete penzije), the pensions that were lowered by Vučić's government in 2014, and on environmental issues.^[331][332] Ćuta highlighted the issue of poverty and hunger.^[332] Lazović also said that SPN supported removing national broadcast frequency status for Happy and Pink television channels, lowering the inflation and prices, and investing in universal health care protection.^[333] Aleksić added that SPN would introduce progressive taxation, while Đilas said that SPN would also increase salaries and invest in education.^[333][334] Attended by several thousand supporters, SPN held its last campaign convention on 12 December in Belgrade.^[335]

NADA began its official campaign on 28 October, listing corruption, nepotism, party employment, and rejecting Ohrid Agreement as one of its main issues for the election.^[336] NADA submitted its list to RIK on 6 November and RIK confirmed it a day later.^[233][203] Shortly before the beginning of the official campaign period, Jovanović was featured on propaganda posters in October 2023, falsely depicting him as someone who released incumbent prime minister of Kosovo, Albin Kurti, from prison in 2001.^[324] Several NADA billboard posters were later torn down on 21 November; NADA accused the government of being behind the acts.^[337]

During the campaign period, Jovanović intensified his criticism of SNS while declining to criticise pro-European parties.^[338] He has also called for greater cooperation between opposition parties to topple SNS from power.^[339] Jovanović has called for electoral reform, pledging to "destroy the partocracy that SNS created" (akaradna partijska država koju je stvorio SNS).^[338] NADA supported the re-introduction of the first-past-the-post system, and campaigned on further regionalisation and decentralisation of Serbia and giving cities and municipalities more power in regards to infrastructure and economy.^[340][341] NADA also called for the reform of healthcare and agriculture.^[342][343] Vojislav Mihailović of POKS also called for the restoration of the monarchy, saying that "Serbia should be a constitutional, parliamentary monarchy like organised European countries" (da li Srbija treba da bude ustavna, parlamenta kraljevina poput uređenih evropskih zemlje).^[344]

Regarding foreign policy, NADA campaigned on wanting "the best possible cooperation with the European Union" (najbolju moguću saradnju sa Evropskom unijom) in regards to trade, economy, and culture. It has, however, expressed its opposition to Serbia joining the European Union if "the condition set for Serbia is to recognise the secession of Kosovo" (ako je za to uslov priznanje nezavisnosti Kosova).^[345] NADA held its last campaign convention on 10 December.^[346]

SSZ and Dveri, the members of the NO coalition, signed another cooperation agreement on 1 November, announcing that they would officially contest the elections together. Obradović named preserving traditional values and Kosovo as part of Serbia, supporting Republika Srpska, Serbs in neighbouring regions, and ecological patriotism as one of their main issues.^[347] The coalition submitted its list on 4 November and it was accepted by RIK a day later.^[202][348] At a press conference after they presented their electoral list, Đurđević Stamenkovski emphasised their opposition to the Ohrid Agreement and the European Union.^[349] The far-right Alternative for Germany party, the Chetnik Ravna Gora Movement, and the clerical-fascist Obraz organisation of Mladen Obradović, voiced their support for the SSZ–Dveri coalition.^{[350][351][352]}

During the campaign period, the SSZ–Dveri coalition representatives emphasised their support for greater incentives for domestic businessmen and farmers,^[353] the construction of student dormitories in Belgrade, Novi Sad, Niš and Kragujevac, giving free school books, and financial aid for "socially vulnerable families" (socijalno ugrožene porodice).^[354][355] Ratko Ristić, one of the representatives of the NO coalition, also said that one of their main issues is to "return Serbia's sovereignty, especially economic sovereignty" (povratak suverenizma Srbije, posebno ekonomskog) and that they would "pay special attention to the development of Serbian agriculture and the position of Serbian farmers" (posebnu pažnju ćemo obratiti na razvoj srpske poljoprivrede i položaj srpskog seljaka).^[356] Đurđević Stamenkovski also said that she wants Serbia to return "the proven traditional values in the education system".^[357] Obradović alleged that the SSZ–Dveri coalition was a target of attacks and media censorship.^[358]

On foreign policy, the coalition expressed their support for retaining close relations with China, due to their positions towards Kosovo,^[359] and that they would want Serbia to become a member of BRICS instead of the European Union.^[360] Obradović alleged that regions such as Sandžak, Vojvodina, and parts of eastern Serbia would separate from Serbia if "Serbia gives up on Kosovo" (ako se odrekne Kosova).^[361] Đurđević Stamenkovski, in an Insajder interview, did not reject cooperating with SNS after the elections if SNS rejects the Ohrid Agreement.^[362] NO held its last campaign convention on 10 December.^[363]

SRS presented its electoral list to RIK on 3 November RIK confirmed it a day later.^[364][365] SRS campaigned on issues such as health care reform, saying that Serbia should "use the experiences of foreign, Western European countries, as well as the USA, which has a more developed health system" (da koristimo iskustva stranih, zapadnoevropskih zemalja, kao i SAD koje imaju razvijeniji zdravstveni sistem),^[366] advocating greater investments for domestic companies, and preventing bullying by creating "teams of parents, educators, and local municipal officers" (timski rad roditelja dece, prosvetnih radnika i lokalne zajednice).^[367][368] Aleksandar Šešelj also said that SRS supported a ban on non-governmental organisations that support the recognition of Kosovo.^[369]

In an interview for Radio Television of Vojvodina, Aleksandar Šešelj said that SRS would not join a pro-European government in case if SRS crosses the electoral threshold.^[370] SRS has called for the abandonment of the process of accession of Serbia to the European Union and instead called on forging closer ties with Russia and becoming an applicant member of BRICS.^[371] Vojislav Šešelj also met with the Palestinian ambassador in Serbia during the campaign; Vojislav Šešelj also criticised Israel, describing their actions towards Palestine as genocidal.^[372][373]

VMSZ, led by acting president Bálint Pásztor, submitted its list to RIK on 7 November. At a press conference after submitting the list, Pásztor said that VMSZ collected 11,355 signatures, more than twice the amount needed for minority parties, and that they would campaign on issues they listed in their electoral programme.^[232] RIK confirmed their list on 8 November.^[204] Pásztor expressed his support for continuing the cooperation between VMSZ and SNS.^[374] VMSZ received support from the Democratic Party of Vojvodina Hungarians and Party of Hungarian Unity in late November.^[375]

SPP and DSHV formalised an electoral alliance under the name United for Justice (UZP) on 4 November.^[376] UZP submitted its list to RIK on 9 November, with Zukorlić stating that the coalition would advocate for proportional representation of national communities in public institutions and balanced regional development.^[377] Their electoral list was accepted by RIK on 10 November.^[206] UZP members expressed their support for remaining in the next government, saying "that members of our communities supported this move" (pripadnici naših zajednica to pozdavili).^[378] Zukorlić has described UZP as a pro-European coalition and that "he believes that one day Serbia will nevertheless join the NATO alliance" (veruje da će jednog dana Srbija "ipak pristupiti i NATO alijansi").^[379] DSHV received support from Andrej Plenković, the prime minister of Croatia and leader of the Croatian Democratic Union.^[380]

SDAS of Sulejman Ugljanin submitted its electoral list to RIK on 16 November, with RIK confirming it on the same day.^[207][381] Its main representative and ballot holder, Selma Kučević, emphasised that SDAS supports decentralisation and regionalism as well as "authentically representing the Bosniak people as well as other citizens of Sandžak" (autentični predstavnici bošnjačkog naroda ali i svih ostalih građana Sandžaka).^[381] Ugljanin said that SDAS supported anti-corruption measures and government transparency.^[382]

A group of ethnic minority parties and organisations, including Vlach National Party (VNS), Hungarian Civic Alliance (MPSZ), and Democratic Party of Macedonians, held a meeting in April 2023, with the intention being on forming a coalition, named Coalition for Peace and Tolerance, for the upcoming parliamentary, provincial, and local elections.^[383] Shortly after the meeting, Jahja Fehratović left SPP.^[384] Later in October, Fehratović announced the formation of his political party, the For the Future and Development (ZBR). Fehratović said that ZBR would support traditional values, spirituality, and rule of law.^[385]

Following the dissolution of the National Assembly, Fehratović's ZBR formed a coalition, named "Together for the Future and Development – Coalition for Peace and Development" (KZMT), with VNS, MPSZ, Democratic Union of Croats, Bosniak Civic Party, Party of Montenegrins, Civic Party of Greeks of Serbia, Vojvodina Movement, Tolerance of Serbia, Union of Yugoslavs, Union of Female Roma Network and Non-Roma Network of Serbia, and Union of Banat Romanians. Fehratović was also announced as the coalition's ballot holder.^[386] KZMT submitted its electoral list on 17 November.^[387] RIK rejected the list on 18 November, stating that out of 6,093 collected signatures, only 4,937 were valid, and that KZMT had to collect the remaining 63 signatures until 20 November.^[388] On the same day, KZMT collected 436 more valid signatures and RIK confirmed their electoral list.^[208]

After collecting more than 12,500 signatures, Narodna submitted its electoral list to RIK on 19 November. At a press conference in the building of RIK, Jeremić said that Narodna would campaign on rejecting the Ohrid Agreement, prohibiting lithium mining, as well as "bringing back sovereignty over the national economy" (vraćanje suvereniteta nad nacionalnom ekonomijom).^[389] RIK confirmed their electoral list on 20 November.^[209]

Narodna also emphasised its support for introducing military conscription to retain military neutrality, retaining close relations with Russia, and opposing sanctions against Russia, the accession of Serbia to the European Union, and the recognition of Kosovo.^[390] Jeremić has said that Serbia should seek membership in the European Economic Area instead.^[391]

Initially, SDS was supposed to take part in the SPN alliance while DJB announced that they would contest the elections independently.^[392] SDS was ultimately declined to join SPN, and shortly after in early November, DJB successfully negotiated with SDS and Ana Pejić's Stolen Babies movement to form a joint electoral alliance, mainly centering their opposition to the Ohrid Agreement.^[393][394] The coalition, named Good Morning Serbia, submitted its electoral list to RIK on 22 November.^[395] They collected over 11,500 signatures of support.^[396] RIK confirmed their electoral list on 23 November, with 10,534 valid signatures.^[210]

The Russian Party, together with the New Communist Party of Yugoslavia (NKPJ), submitted its electoral list on 25 November.^[397] On the same day, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) of Čedomir Jovanović and the Serbia in the West coalition, composed of Nova–D2SP, Civic Democratic Forum, Liberals and Democrats, and Glas submitted their electoral list.^{[398][399][400]} The electoral lists of the citizens group We – Voice from the People (MI–GIN), represented by conspiracy theorist Branimir Nestorović.^[401][402] RIK proclaimed the electoral lists of We – Voice from the People and Serbia in the West on 27 November.^[212] On 28 November, the electoral lists of Russian Party–NKPJ and LDP were proclaimed by RIK.^[213] Jovanović met with Kurti on 3 December, with whom he discussed about Serbia–Kosovo relations.^[403]

Opinion polling for the 2023 parliamentary election in Serbia was conducted by various monitoring and research organisations such as Demostat, NSPM, Agency Faktor Plus, Šta Srbija misli?/New Third Way, Stata Agency, and CRTA.^[404] Stata Agency has also published scenario polls, featuring a SNS–SPS alliance, the Serbia Against Violence (SPN) coalition, and the "state-building opposition" before the official creation of SPN; Vukadinović of NSPM criticised Stata's scenario polls, saying that the coalition "Serbia Against Violence is not exactly a fiction, then, for now, only a projection and, possibly, the desire of some media and political factors. It is difficult to compare something that actually exists with something that could possibly be" (Srbija protiv nasilja ako ne baš fikcija, onda, za sada, samo projekcija i, eventualno, želja nekih medijskih i političkih faktora. Teško je porediti nešto što realno postoji sa nečim što bi, eventualno, tek moglo biti). Anđelković also said that "public's pulse is very fluid when the elections are still relatively far away" (pulsa javnosti vrlo fluidna kada su izbori još relativno daleko).^[405] Besides Stata, CRTA has also published a scenario poll in October 2023.^[406]

The Bureau of Social Research (BIRODI) has criticised opinion polling in which "information about the name of the agency that conducted the opinion poll, the individual who ordered the opinion poll, the number of respondents, the time when the opinion poll was carried out, as well as the question that were asked to the respondents" (ko je naručilac istraživanja, ko je sproveo istraživanje, u kojem periodu i sa kojom tehnikom su prikupljeni podaci, u kojem uzorku, sa kojom uzoračkom greškom) is not present, and has called news agencies to not publish those opinion polls. BIRODI stated these organisations "give the opportunity to use opinion polls for propaganda purposes" (daje mogućnost da se istraživanja javnog mnjena koriste u propagandne svrhe) and noted that the elements lead to the "deprofessionalisation of a public opinion researcher" (deprofesionalizacije profesije istraživača javnog mnjenja).^[407] Srećko Mihailović of Demostat has also stated that most opinion polls in Serbia are "biased and unprofessional" (pristrasna i neprofesionalna), claiming that "clients are political parties and the government, and researchers manipulate the ratings of parties" (naručioci su političke stranke i vlast, a istraživači manipulišu i sa rejtinzima stranaka) in opinion polls.^[408] The World Association for Public Opinion Research, an international professional association of opinion poll researchers, has listed Serbia as a country where there is a denial of the right to public opinion research, stating that "there is pressure from the government, politicians, and some media" (na njih vrši pritisak od strane vlade, političara ali i pojedinih medija).^[409]

The graph below showcases major parties and alliances in opinion polls from the 2022 parliamentary election to 17 December 2023.

On election day, 17 December, voting stations were opened from 07:00 to 20:00.^[410] Monitoring and non-governmental organisations, such as CeSID and CRTA, reported that the election day was marked with electoral fraud.^{[411][412][413][414]} By 9:00, CeSID reported over 50 irregularities, this included irregularities such as non-compliance of procedures by members of election committees and voters photographing or recording their ballot papers, while Kreni-Promeni reported instances of irregularities, including the Bulgarian train vote-rigging method at voting stations in New Belgrade.^[411] Nedeljkov from CRTA also reported that in Odžaci CRTA observers were physically attacked and that their cars sustained damage from the attackers. In Odžaci, CRTA observers reported an instance of a Bulgarian train.^[415] Throughout the rest of the election day, CeSID continued to report more irregularities and intimidation.^[416] Parandilović from SPN also published a video in which two Priboj councillor candidates were spotted rigging election ballots.^[417]

Voters from Republika Srpska were also driven to the Štark Arena in Belgrade.^[418] Despite Štark Arena not being a voting station, voters from Republika Srpska confirmed that the Arena was used illegally as a voting station and as a redirect station towards official voting stations in Belgrade.^[419] The security at the Štark Arena did not allow members of RIK to enter the building.^[420] Brnabić said that she did not see what was irregular or illegal with the Štark Arena serving as a redirect station for voters from Republika Srpska.^[421] Miodrag Jovanović, a professor at the Faculty of Law, said that in regards to the Arena and the phantom voters^[b] (fantomski glasači), "it is illegal for someone to have a residence where he does not live" (zabranjeno da neko ima prebivalište tamo gde ne živi).^[423]

In its report, ODIHR concluded that SNS had a "systematic advantage which created unfair conditions in the elections" and that Vučić heavily dominated the election campaign, despite not being a candidate in it. According to ODIHR, there was abuse of public funds, and the media monitoring body, Regulatory Body for Electronic Media, was also not efficient during the election campaign, and that despite the elections being well organised, they were organised in a "societal and political divided ambience". ODIHR said that the campaign was polarised and met with negative campaigning and fearmongering.^[424] The Federal Foreign Office of Germany said that abuse of public funds, fearmongering of voters, and vote buying is "unacceptable for a country with the status of a candidate for EU membership".^[425]

Stefan Schennach [de], the chief of the delegation of PACE that monitored the elections, said that "the elections were not fair" and that he had seen "ballots that were printed by a photocopier".^[426] In a joint statement, Josep Borrell and Olivér Várhelyi, on behalf of the European Commission, said that Serbia's "electoral process requires tangible improvement and further reform".^[427] Political scientist Florian Bieber said that "irregularities appeared to be more widespread than in previous [elections]".^[428] Matthew Miller, the spokesperson of the United States Department of State, called for the government of Serbia to investigate the irregularities that occurred.^[429] United States senators Jeanne Shaheen and Pete Ricketts also called for the government to "urgently consider whether elections should be repeated in certain regions", saying that the elections were not free and fair.^[430] Andreas Schieder, who monitored the elections on behalf of the European Parliament, criticised Brnabić, saying that "the government should work on solving numerous claims about pressure on voters, vote buying, violating voting secrecy, biased media, and the president's involvement in the campaign".^[431]

Vučić and SNS denied all of the electoral fraud allegations.^[412] Brnabić accused the opposition and CRTA of "destabilising Serbia and its constitutional order" (destabilizuju zemlju i uruše ustavni poredak) and verbally attacked Schennach and Schieder due to them criticising the conduct of the election.^[432][433]

There were 6,500,666 citizens in total who had the right to vote in the parliamentary election.^[434] Out of 8,273 voting stations in total, voters abroad could have voted at 81 voting stations in 35 different countries.^[435][436] 32,216 dual citizens registered to take part in the elections abroad.^[435] In Canada, Portugal, the United Kingdom, and the United States, voting occurred on 16 December from 07:00 to 20:00.^[212] Elections were repeated at 30 voting stations in 19 different municipalities on 30 December.^[437]

After the voting stations were closed, CeSID/Ipsos and CRTA were the first to report their projections of the results.^[438][439] According to the 18 December projection from CeSID/Ipsos, SNS won 46% of popular vote and 128 seats in the National Assembly, successfully returning its parliamentary majority, while SPN placed second, with 23.6% of popular vote and 65 seats in the National Assembly. According to CeSID/Ipsos, SPS only won 6% of popular vote and 18 seats in the National Assembly, this being the worst result of SPS since the 2007 parliamentary election, while NADA won 4.9% of popular vote. In a surprise move, Nestorović's MI–GIN also crossed the threshold, winning 13 seats in total. Out of the minority lists, VMSZ won 6 seats, SPP–DSHV won 3 seats, SDAS won 2 seats, and SDAS and Russian Party won one seat respectively.^[440] The NO coalition of Dveri and SSZ failed to cross the threshold, winning only 2.8% of popular vote.^[441] SNS received the most votes abroad.^[442]

RIK broadcast the results live, with the results being updated every 5 minutes.^[443] RIK published the final results on 12 January.^[444] After the publishing of the overall report on the election, RIK awarded the candidates the seats of the National Assembly in less than 10 days.^[410]

Electoral list		Votes	%	+/–	Seats	+/–
	Serbia Must Not Stop	1,783,701	48.07	+3.8	129	+9
	Serbia Against Violence	902,450	24.32	+5.39	65	+25
	SPS–JS–Zeleni	249,916	6.73	–5.06	18	–13
	National Democratic Alternative	191,431	5.16	–0.38	13	–1
	We – Voice from the People	178,830	4.82	New	13	New
	National Gathering	105,165	2.83	–4.91	0	–16
	Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians	64,747	1.74	+0.11	6	+1
	Serbian Radical Party	55,782	1.50	–0.72	0	0
	Good Morning Serbia	45,079	1.21	–3.69	0	0
	People's Party	33,388	0.90	New	0	–12
	SPP–DSHV	29,066	0.78	–0.84	2	–3
	Party of Democratic Action of Sandžak	21,827	0.59	+0.03	2	0
	Political Battle of the Albanians Continues	13,501	0.36	+0.08	1	0
	RS–NKPJ	11,369	0.31	New	1	New
	It Must Be Different	9,243	0.25	New	0	New
	Coalition for Peace and Tolerance	6,786	0.18	New	0	–1
	Nova–D2SP–GDF–Libdem–Glas	5,462	0.15	New	0	0
	Albanian Democratic Alternative	3,235	0.09	0	0	0
Total		3,710,978	100.00	–	250	0
Valid votes		3,710,978	97.27
Invalid/blank votes		104,029	2.73
Total votes		3,815,007	100.00
Registered voters/turnout		6,500,666	58.77
Source: Republic Bureau of Statistics[445]

Due to failing to gain parliamentary representation, Obradović of Dveri and all members of the presidency of Narodna, including president Jeremić, resigned from their positions.^[446][447]

The Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) and Danas newspaper reported in early December that on 22 September, Vučić signed an agreement with the European Commission on the production of lithium batteries in Serbia. The government of Serbia previously cancelled the Rio Tinto lithium mine project in January 2022, amidst the environmental protests, but the EIU reported that in the September 2023 agreement "the government [of Serbia] has not given up on a plan to allow the mining of lithium at Jadar". The agreement also includes a construction of another factory in Ćuprija. EIU stated that due to the 2023 parliamentary election, "the government is likely to stall the plans, reviving them only once the December election is over".^[448] In June 2024, Financial Times published an article regarding the topic, revealing that Serbia would "give green light to Rio Tinto" and its Project Jadar.^[449] Neue Zürcher Zeitung revealed the same.^[450] In July 2024, the government revived the Jadar project, which resulted in a series of environmental protests.^[451][452]

SNS proclaimed victory after the voting stations were closed.^[453] SNS was congratulated by Dačić and Milorad Dodik, the president of Republika Srpska, and Katalin Novák, the president of Hungary.^{[454][455][456]} Vučić alleged that a "an important country intervened in the election process of Serbia in the most brutal way" (jedne važne zemlje u izborni proces Srbije na najbrutalniji način).^[457]

Nestorović of MI–GIN said that "even though no one gave us a chance, we became one of the four or five strongest parties" (iako im niko nije davao šanse, ušli u krug četiri, pet najjačih partija); he rejected cooperating with SNS or SPN after the elections.^[458] Danas newspaper described Nestorović as "the biggest surprise" (najveće iznaneđenje) of the 2023 elections.^[459] At a SPS press conference, Dačić was dissatisfied with the result.^[454] Pásztor said that VMSZ "achieved the election result that we wanted" (rezultat kakav smo želeli) and they were ready to join the next SNS-led government.^[460]

Miloš Bešić, a professor at the Faculty of Political Sciences, said that the society in Serbia "is even more divided after the elections" (društvo podeljenije nego pre izbora) and argued that "the failure of right-wing parties is one of the main impressions of the voting results" (neuspeh desnice jedan od glavnih utisaka rezultata glasanja). Bešić also said that the attacks of SNS on SPS during the election campaign was also shown during the election day, due to the decrease in support of SPS and an increase in support of SNS. He, however, noted that both SNS and SPS combined won fewer votes than in the 2022 election.^[461]

Following the elections on 17 December, SPN began organising protests outside the RIK building.^[462] At the 18 December protest, Aleksić and Tepić announced that they would go on a hunger strike until the results of the Belgrade City Assembly elections are annulled.^[463] SPN expanded their demands on 20 December by demanding the annulment of all 17 December election results.^[464] Alongside SPN, NADA, Narodna, SDS, and Dveri also expressed their support for the annulment of 17 December election results and the scheduling of a new ones.^[465] On 21 December, members of the National Assembly Jelena Milošević and Danijela Grujić joined Aleksić and Tepić in their hunger strike.^[466] A day later, Janko Veselinović and Željko Veselinović also began their hunger strike, while on 23 December MPs-elect Branko Miljuš and Dušan Nikezić began their hunger strike.^[467][468]

After an attempt from councillors to enter the City Assembly of Belgrade, a riot occurred which resulted in an arrest of 38 demonstrators.^{[469][470][471]} Protests continued up to 30 December, at which point the hunger strike ended.^[472][473] The protests were strongly criticised by the government, with Brnabić and Aleksandar Šapić, the former mayor of Belgrade, comparing the protests to Euromaidan.^[474][475] Russia also alleged that Western powers were involved in the protests.^[476][477]

On several occasions, Dačić expressed his support for continuing to work with SNS after the 2023 election.^[478][479] In October, Dačić had said: "I am convinced that we will continue cooperation even after the victory in the December elections, in the interest of Serbia, and a better future for all the citizens of our country, as well as the Serbian people as a whole" (Uveren sam da ćemo takvu saradnju nastaviti i posle pobede na decembarskim izborima, u interesu Srbije i bolje budućnosti svih građana naše zemlje, kao i srpskog naroda u celini).^[478] In a November interview with Insajder, Dačić said that the goal of SPS is "to win a parliamentary majority, together with SNS, because we alone cannot have a majority" (Naš politički cilj je da osvojimo većinu, zajedno sa SNS-om, jer mi sami ne možemo da imamo većinu) and that "the best solution for Serbia is ... that Vučić should be president ... and Dacić should be prime minister" (najbolje rešenje za Srbiju ... Vučić da bude predsednik ... [i] Dačić premijer).^[479] Dačić later said, in regards to SNS forming a government with SPS, that "[SPS] wants [to be in the government], but if they do not want us, then there is no problem" (Mi hoćemo, ako oni ne žele, nikakav problem nije); he has also criticised opposition parties and described them as "a big fraud called DOS" (velika prevara koju on naziva DOS-om).^[480] Other SPS politicians, like Paunović and Toma Fila, expressed their support for continuing to work with SNS after the elections.^[481][482]

Despite taking part with SNS in the Belgrade City assembly election, Vučić said that the next government would not include SRS due to programme differences, naming European Union as an example.^[483] Vučić also expressed doubts in SPS during the campaign period, while Brnabić criticised SPS officials such as Ružić, her former cabinet minister.^[484][485] Vučević also said that "there are no guarantees that SPS will ... switch to the other side" (nemamo garancije da SPS neće promeniti stranu).^[486] Dušan Spasojević, a Faculty of Political Sciences professor, said that the "attacks on SPS are aimed to win back part of the voters who voted for the Socialists in the last elections, and perhaps to take over part of their voting base" (Napadi na SPS imaju za cilj da povrate deo birača koji je na prošlim izborima glasao za socijaliste, a možda i da preuzmu deo njihove baze).^[487] Popović of the Centre for Practical Politics argued the same.^[488]

The constitutive session of the 14th National Assembly of Serbia took place on 6 February.^[489] A month later, Brnabić was elected president of the National Assembly.^[490] After several months of negotiations, Vučević was given the mandate to form a government, after which he formed a government on 2 May. Besides SNS and SPS, his cabinet also included Đurđević Stamenkovski of SSZ that failed to gain representation in the National Assembly.^[491]