Sebelumnya, Bose menjadi pemimpin muda, radikal, sayap Kongres Nasional India pada akhir 1920an dan 1930an, yang naik pangkat menjadi Presiden Kongres pada 1938 dan 1939.[6]
Kehidupan awal: 1897–1921
Subhas Bose, sedang berdiri, paling kiri, bersama dengan keluarga besarnya yang terdiri dari 14 bersaudara di Cuttack, sekitar 1905.
Jankinath Bose, ayah Subhas Bose, merupakan seorang pengacara berpengaruh di Cuttack.
Subhas Bose (sedang berdiri, kanan) bersama dengan teman-temannya di Inggris, 1920
Bose sebagai pelajar di Inggris.
Subhas Chandra Bose lahir pada 23 Januari 1897 (pada pukul 12.10 pm) di Cuttack, Divisi Orissa, Provinsi Bengal, dari pasangan Prabhavati Devi dan Janakinath Bose, seorang advokat.[7] Ia adalah anak kesembilan dari empat belas bersaudara.
Ia dimasukkan ke Sekolah Eropa Protestan seperti saudara dan saudarinya yang lain pada Januari 1902.
Referensi
Catatan
Kutipan
^ abBayly & Harper 2007, hlm. 2: "If all else failed (Bose) wanted to become a prisoner of the Soviets: 'They are the only ones who will resist the British. My fate is with them. But as the Japanese plane took off from Taipei airport its engines faltered and then failed. Bose was badly burned in the crash. According to several witnesses, he died on 18 August in a Japanese military hospital, talking to the very last of India's freedom. British and Indian commissions later established convincingly that Bose had died in Taiwan. These were legendary and apocalyptic times, however. Having witnessed the first Indian leader to fight against the British since the great mutiny of 1857, many in both Southeast Asia and India refused to accept the loss of their hero. Rumours that Bose had survived and was waiting to come out of hiding and begin the final struggle for independence were rampant by the end of 1945."
^Hayes 2011, hlm. 165: Kutipan: "The most troubling aspect of Bose's presence in Nazi Germany is not military or political but rather ethical. His alliance with the most genocidal regime in history poses serious dilemmas precisely because of his popularity and his having made a lifelong career of fighting the 'good cause'. How did a man who started his political career at the feet of Gandhi end up with Hitler, Mussolini, and Tojo? Even in the case of Mussolini and Tojo, the gravity of the dilemma pales in comparison to that posed by his association with Hitler and the Nazi leadership. The most disturbing issue, all too often ignored, is that in the many articles, minutes, memorandums, telegrams, letters, plans, and broadcasts Bose left behind in Germany, he did not express the slightest concern or sympathy for the millions who died in the concentration camps. Not one of his Berlin wartime associates or colleagues ever quotes him expressing any indignation. Not even when the horrors of Auschwitz and its satellite camps were exposed to the world upon being liberated by Soviet troops in early 1945, revealing publicly for the first time the genocidal nature of the Nazi regime, did Bose react."
^Stein 2010, hlm. 345": To many (Congress leaders), Bose's programme resembled that of the Japanese fascists, who were in the process of losing their gamble to achieve Asian ascendancy through war. Nevertheless, the success of his soldiers in Burma had stirred as much patriotic sentiment among Indians as the sacrifices of imprisoned Congress leaders. (p. 345)"
^Metcalf & Metcalf 2010, hlm. 210: Quote: "Marginalized within Congress and a target for British surveillance, Bose chose to embrace the fascist powers as allies against the British and fled India, first to Hitler's Germany, then, on a German submarine, to a Japanese-occupied Singapore. The force that he put together ... known as the Indian National Army (INA) and thus claiming to represent free India, saw action against the British in Burma but accomplished little toward the goal of a march on Delhi. ... Bose himself died in an airplane crash trying to reach Japanese-occupied territory in the last months of the war. His romantic saga, coupled with his defiant nationalism, has made Bose a near-mythic figure, not only in his native Bengal, but across India. It is this heroic, martial myth that is today remembered, rather than Bose's wartime vision of a free India under the authoritarian rule of someone like himself."
^Stein 2010, hlm. 305,325": Jawaharlal Nehru and Subhas Bose were among those who, impatient with Gandhi's programmes and methods, looked upon socialism as an alternative for nationalistic policies capable of meeting the country's economic and social needs, as well as a link to potential international support. (p. 325) (p. 345)"
