Note: Unlike the chapters and verses of the Bible used in biblical studies, textual criticism of the Primary Chronicle (PVL) employs notation by page and line.[b] For example, a notation such as "3.2" refers to the "third (3rd) page, second (2nd) line".
0
Opening line of the PVL according to the Laurentian Codex (Lav) of 1377
повесть временных лѣтъ черноризца феѡдось|ева[17], pověstĭ vremennyx lětŭ čĭrnorizĭtsa Feodosieva, 'Tale of bygone years by the monk of Theodosius' – Rad Aka Ipa α[17][18]
Пѡвѣсти врѣменных лѣт. нестера черноризца.| федѡосїева [17], pověstĭ vremennyx lět. nestera čĭrnorizĭtsa Fedōsïeva, 'Tale of bygone years by the nestera[c] monk of Theodosius' – Xle[17][18]
Временникъ, еже есть нарицается лЂтописание, Vremennikŭ, ezhe estĭ naritsaetsya lětopisanie, 'Bygone years, which is the name of the chronicle' – Novgorod First Chronicle Younger Redaction[19]
и како избра богъ страну нашу на послЂднЂе время, и грады почаша бывати по мЂстом, преже Новгородчкая Б волость и потом Кыевская, и о поставлении Киева, како во В имя назвася В Кыевъ., 'and how God chose our country for the last time, and the cities began to be in their places, first in the Novgorodian volost and then the Kyevan, and of the rise of Kiev, which was called by the name of Kyevû.' – Novgorod First Chronicle Younger Redaction[19]
It is unclear what Volokhove (or Volŭkhva) means. Cross & Sherbowitz-Wetzor (1930, 1953) translated it as "Italians"[32] (compare modern Polish Włochy "Italy" or "Italians"); but in 6.6 he rendered Волохомъ/Волхомъ/Волотомъ[35] as Vlakhs.[36] Lunt (1995) described the Volokhs as 'people speaking Latin or a Romance language.'[35] Thuis (2015) translated both as "Vlachs", adding 'This is possibly a Celto-Romance people.'[33]
племени афетова. нар ци еже суть словѣне., plemeni afetova, nar tsi ezhe sutĭ slověne., 'the line of Afet, the Nartsi who are Slovenes.' – Lav Byč Lix[37]
племениж афетова нарицаеми иновѣрци еже соуть словене, plemenizh afetova naritsaemi inověrtsi ezhe sutĭ slovene., 'the line of Afet, called the Inovertsi, who are Slovenes.' – Rad[37]
племени же а҃фетова. нарицаемии норци еже сѹть словѣне., plemeni zhe ahfetova, naritsaemii nortsi ezhe sutĭ slověne., 'the line of Ahfet, called the Nortsi, who are Slovenes.' – Aka[37]
племени же афетова. нарѣ<ц>аемѣи норци. иже сѹть словенѣ., plemeni zhe afetova, narě<ts>aeměi nortsi, izhe sutĭ sloveně., 'the line of Afet, called the Nortsi, who are Slovenes.' – Ipa[37]
The N- ethnonym is unclear. Cross & Sherbowitz-Wetzor (1930, 1953) rendered them as the Noricians, who are identical to the Slavs.[32] Lunt (1995), noting that Lav and Rad 'have independent corruptions', translated Ipa/Xle/Aka as (those) called Norci, who are Slavs. He commented: 'These clauses do not fit together easily. (...) This rather odd sentence seems, then, to imply that the Norci are a sub-tribe of Slavs.'[38] Thuis (2015) wrote the Noriks, who are Slavs, adding 'The inhabitants of the Roman province of Noricum along the Danube. Possibly, this is a reference to the purported Urheimat of the Slavic people.'[33]
В лѣто 6362 (854) (...) И въсташа словенѣ и кривици и меря и чюдь на варягы, и изгнаша я за море; и начаша владѣти сами собѣ и городы ставити.[44]
In the year 6362 (854) (...) And the Slovenes and Krivitsi and Merya and Chudĭ rose against the Varangians and expelled them beyond the sea; and they began to rule themselves and set up cities.
Въ лето 6369. Изъгнаша варяги за море, и не даша имъ дани, и почаша сами в собе володети.[45]
6368–6370 (860–862). The tributaries of the Varangians drove them back beyond the sea and, refusing them further tribute, set out to govern themselves.[46]
В лѣто [6370 (862)] И изгнаша Варѧгы за море, и не даша имъ дани. Н почаша сами в собѣ володѣти.[47][44]
In the year [6370 (862)] And they expelled the Varangians across the sea, and gave them no tribute, and they themselves became masters.
В лѣт. ҂ѕ҃.т҃.о҃. Бы[г]ша варѧгы за морь[ꙗ] и не да им дани. и почаша сами в собѣ володѣти.[43]
In the year 6370, [they] exiled the Varangians beyond the sea and gave them no tribute. And they themselves became masters of their own affairs.
И въсташа сами на ся воеватъ, и бысть межи ими рать велика и усобица, и въсташа град на град, и не бѣше в нихъ правды.[44]
And they arose to fight with themselves, and there was great strife and discord between them, and they rose up city upon city, and there was no righteousness among them.
И не бе в нихъ пра вды, и въста родъ на родъ, быша в них усобице, и во евати почаша сами на ся.[45]
There was no law among them, but tribe rose against tribe. Discord thus ensued among them, and they began to war one against another.[46]
и не бѣ в нихъ правды, и въста родъ на род, и быша оусобицѣ в них, и воєвати сами на сѧ почаша.[47][44]
And they had no righteousness, and clan stood up against clan, and they were plagued by strife within them, and they began to fight against each other.
и не бѣ в них правды. и восташа род на род. и быша в них оусобици. воевати по <...>[48]
And there was no righteousness among them. And they rose up clan against clan. And there were wars among them <...>.
Идоша за море къ варягомъ, к руси. Сице бо ся зваху тьи варязи суть, яко се друзии зо вутся свие, друзии же урмане, анъгляне, друзи и гъте, тако и си.[45]
They accordingly went overseas to the Varangian Rus': these particular Varangians were known as Rus', just as some are called Swedes, and others Normans, English, and Gotlanders, for they were thus named.[46]
идоша за море к Варѧгом. к Руси; сіце бо звахуть ты Варѧгы Русь, ӕко се друзии зовутсѧ Свеє, друзии же Оурмани, Аньглѧне, инѣи и Готе, тако и си.[47][44]
They went across the sea to the Varangians, to the Rus'; for this reason thou shalt call the Varangians the Rus', as the others are called Svej [Swedes], and the others Ourmany [Normans?], Anĭgliane [Angles], and still others Gote [Goths/Gotlanders?], so they are.
и идоша за море к варѧго<м> к ру<с> сице бо тїи звахоус варѧзи роус ꙗко се дроузии зовоутьс свие дроузииж оуръмѧни. инъглѧне. дроузии и готе. тако и си[50]
And they went across the sea to the Varangian[s], to the Ru[s]; for these Varangians were called Rus, as others are called Svye (Swedes), and others Urŭmiany [Normans?], Ynŭgliane [Angles], and others Gote [Goths/Gotlanders?], so they are.
и ркоша: «земля наша велика и обилна, а наряда у нас нѣту; да поидѣте к намъ княжить и владѣть нами».[44]
and said: "Our land is great and plenty, but we have no order; so come to us to reign and rule us".
Реша русь, чюдь, словени, и кри вичи, вся: «Земля наша велика и обилна, а наря да в ней нетъ. Да поидете княжитъ и володети на ми».[45]
The Chuds, the Slavs, the Krivichians, and the Ves' then said to the people of Rus', "Our land is great and rich, but there is no order in it. Come to rule and reign over us."[46]
Ркоша Русь, Чюдь, Словенѣ, Кривичи, и всѧ: «Землѧ наша велика и ѡбилна а нарѧда въ неи нѣтъ. да поидете кнѧжит̑ и володѣть нами».[47][44]
The Rus', Chudĭ, Slovenes, Krivichi and Ves' said: "Our land is great and rich, but there is no order in it. So go reign and rule over us and judge."
рѣша роуси. чюд. и словене. и кривичи. и вси. землѧ наша велика и ѡбилна. а нарѧда в неи нѣтъ. да поидѣте оу нас кн҃жити. и володѣти:-[51]
The Rus', Chud, Slovenes, Krivichi and Ves' said: "Our land is great and rich, but there is no order in it. So come and reign and govern over us."
Изъбрашася 3 брата с роды своими, и пояша со собою дружину многу и предивну, и приидоша к Новугороду. И сѣде старѣишии в Новѣгородѣ, бѣ имя ему Рюрикъ; а другыи сѣде на Бѣлѣозерѣ, Синеусъ; а третеи въ Изборьскѣ, имя ему Труворъ. И от тѣх варягъ, находникъ тѣхъ, прозвашася Русь, и от тѣх словет Руская земля; и суть новгородстии людие до днешняго дни от рода варяжьска.[44]
Three brothers took off with their clans, and they brought a great and foremost army with them, and came to Novѣgorodѣ. And the eldest sits in Novѣgorodѣ, his name is Ryurikû; the second sits on Bѣlѣozesѣ [Bele-Ozero, "White Lake"], Syneusû; and the third sits in Izbor'skѣ, his name is Truvorû. And from those Varangians, the finders of those things, were nicknamed Rus', and from those things came the Rus' land; and the people of Novgorod are from the Varangians until this day.
И изъбрашася 3 братья с роды своими, по яша по собе всю русь, и придоша: старейший Рю рикъ, а другий - Синеусъ на Беле-озере, а третий Изборьсте Труворъ. От техъ прозвася Руская зе мля, новугородьци, ти суть людье ноугородьци от рода варяжьска. Преже бо беша словени.[45]
They thus selected three brothers, with their kinsfolk, who took with them all the Rus' and migrated. The oldest, Rurik, located himself in Novgorod; the second, Sineus, at Beloozero; and the third, Truvor, in Izborsk. On account of these Varangians, the district of Novgorod became known as the land of Rus'. The present inhabitants of Novgorod are descended from the Varangian race, but aforetime they were Slavs.[46]
и изъбрашасѧ триє брата с роды своими, и поӕша по собѣ всю Русь и придоша къ Словѣномъ пѣрвѣє, и срубиша город̑ Ладогу. и сѣде старѣишии в Ладозѣ Рюрикъ, а другии Синєоусъ на Бѣлѣѡзерѣ, а третѣи Труворъ въ Изборьсцѣ. и ѿ тѣхъ Варѧгъ прозвасѧ Рускаӕ землѧ.[47][44]
And having chosen three brothers from their people, they took with them all the Russes and came first to the Slavs (Slovenes), and they built the city of Ladoga. Ryurikû, the eldest, settled in Ladoga [Ladozě], Sineusû, the second, at Bělěōzerě ["White Lake"], and Truvorû, the third, in Izborsk [Izborǐstsě]. From these Varangians the land of Rus' received its name.[53]
И избрашас .г҃. е братѧ. з роды своими. и поꙗша собѣ всю роу. и приидоша к словеном первое. и сроубиша город ладогоу. и сѣде в ладозѣ стареи рюрикъ. а дрѹгии с<и>де оу нас на белѣѡзере. а третии трѹворъ въ изборьскѹ. и ѡ тѣх вѧрѧгъ. прозвасѧ роускаа землѧ новгород тїи сѹт люде новгородци ѿ род варежска преж бо бѣ[52]
And having chosen three brothers from their people, they took with them all the Rus' and came first to the Slovenes. And they built the city of Ladoga. And the oldest, Ryurikû, settled in Ladoga [Ladozě]. And the second/other settled with us at Bеlěōzere ["White Lake"]. And the third, Truvorû, in Izborǐsku. From these Varangians the land of Rus' received its name. Novgorod and the essence of the Novgorodians were from the Varangian clan before that.
По двою же лѣту умрѣ Синеусъ и брат его Труворъ, и прия власть единъ Рюрикъ, обою брату власть, и нача владѣти единъ.[44]
Two years later Sineusû and his brother Truvorû died, and only Ryurikû took power, the authority of both his brothers, and he began to reign alone.
По дву же лету Синеусъ умре и братъ его Труворъ. И прия власть Рюрикъ, и раздая мужемъ свои мъ грады: овому Полотескъ, овому Ростовъ, дру гому Белоозеро. И по темъ городомъ суть находни ци варязи; перьвии насельници в Новегороде словене, Полотьски кривичи, в Ростове меря, в Беле-озере весь, в Муроме мурома. И теми всеми обладаше Рюрикъ.[45]
After two years, Sineus and his brother Truvor died, and Rurik assumed the sole authority. He assigned cities to his followers, Polotsk to one, Rostov to another, and to another Beloozero. In these cities there are thus Varangian colonists, but the first settlers were, in Novgorod, Slavs; in Polotsk, Krivichians; at Beloozero, Ves', in Rostov, Merians; and in Murom, Muromians. Rurik had dominion over all these districts.[46]
По дъвою же лѣту оумре Синеоусъ и братъ єго Труворъ, и приӕ Рюрикъ власть всю ѡдинъ. и пришед' къ Ильмєрю и сруби город' надъ Волховом', и прозваша и Новъгород' и сѣде ту кнѧжа', и раздаӕ мужемъ своимъ волости, и городы рубити, ѡвому Полътескъ, ѡвому Ростовъ, другому Бѣлоѡзеро. И по тѣмь городомъ суть находницѣ Варѧзи; пѣрвии наслѣдници в Новѣгородѣ Словенѣ, и в Пол̑о̑тьскѣ Кривичи, Ростовѣ Мерѧне, Бѣлѣѡзерѣ Весь, Муромѣ Мурома. И тѣми всѣми ѡбладаше Рюрикъ.[47][44]
After two years Sineusû died, as well as his brother Truvorû, and Ryurikû assumed the sole authority. He then came to the Ilĭmer and founded on the Volkhov a city, which they named Novûgorod', and he settled there as prince, assigning cities[53] and towns to his men, Polûteskû to the one, Rostovû to the other, and Bělo-oozero to another. And Varangians were the finders of these towns; the original descendants in Nověgorodě were Sloveně, and in Polôtĭskě were Krivichi, Rostovû Meriane, Bělěоozerě Ves', Muromě Murom. And Ryurikû possessed all these things.
По двою же лѣтоу оумре синеоусъ. и братъ его трѹворъ. и приа всю власть рюрикъ ѡдинъ. и пришед ко илмерю. и сроуби городкъ над волховом. и прозва новъгород. и сѣде тоу кн҃жа. раздаа волости. моужемъ своим. и городы роубити. ѡвомѹ полтескъ. ѡвомоу ростовъ. дроугомѹ бѣлоѡзеро. и по тѣмъ городомъ нахо дници соуть варѧзи. а первии насельници в новѣгород словени. в полоцкѹ кривичи. в ростове мерѧне. в белѣѡзере вес. в муромѣ мурома. и тѣми всѣми ѡбладаше рюрикъ.[54]
After two years Sineusû died, as well as his brother Truvorû, and Ryurikû assumed the sole authority. He then came to the Ilĭmer and founded on the Volkhov a city, which they named Novûgorod, and he settled there as prince, assigning cities to his men, Polteskû to the one, Rostovû to the other, and Bělo-oozero to another.
(Next)
(Text continues with a story about Igor and Oleg's campaign against Kiev, modern Kyiv).[44]
(Text continues with a story about the reign of Askold and Dir in Kiev, modern Kyiv).[44]
(Text continues with a story about the reign of Askold and Dir in Kiev, modern Kyiv).[44]
бѣ тогда ц҃рь имѧнемь цѣмьскии., 'There was then a tsarĭ named Tsěmĭskii.' – Lav[66][67]
и бѣ тогда ц҃рь костѧнтинъ с҃нъ леѡновъ., 'And there was then a tsarĭ Kostyantinŭ son of Leōnovŭ.' – Rad[66][67]
и бѣ тогда ц҃рь костѧнтинь с҃нъ леѡновь., 'And there was then a tsarĭ Kostyantinĭ son of Leōnovĭ.' – Aka[66][67]
и бѣ тогда црсь костѧнтинъ. с҃нъ леѡнтовъ., 'And there was then a tsrsĭ Kostyantinŭ, son of Leōntovŭ.' – Ipa[66][67]
и бѣ тогда ц҃рь костѧнтин. с҃нь леоновь., 'And there was then a tsarĭ Kostyantin, son of Leonovĭ.' – Xle[66][67]
и бѣ тогда цесарь именемь чемьскыи они, 'And there was then a tsesarĭ named Chemĭskȳi they' – Kom[66]
и бѣ тогда цесарь именемь чемьскии, 'And there was then a tsesarĭ named Chemĭskii' – NAk Tol[66][67]
Ostrowski (2007): 'Since the emperor at the time was not Tsimiskes but Constantine, the reading Костянтинъ сынъ Леоновъ might be considered a correction of the primary but historically incorrect reading.'[67]
61.21b–22
и реч црь переклюкала мѧ еси ольга. и дасть еи, i rech tsrĭ perekljukala mę esi olĭga. i dastĭ ei, 'And [the] tsar said: '[You] have fooled me, Olga [nominative].' And [he] gives her' – Lav[68][69]
и реч переклюкала мѧ еси олго. и вдасть еи, i rech perekljukala mę esi olgo. i vdastĭ ei, 'And [he] said: '[You] have fooled me, Olga [vocative].' And [he] gave her' – Rad[68][69]
и рече переклюкала мѧ еси олго. и вдасть еи, i reche perekljukala mę esi olgo. i vdastĭ ei, 'And [he] said: '[You] have fooled me, Olga [vocative].' And [he] gave her' – Aka[68][69]
и реч цсрь переклюка мѧ олга. и вдасть еи, i reche tssrĭ perekljuka mę olga. i vdastĭ ei, 'And [the] tsar said: 'Olga [nominative] has fool[ed] me.' And [he] gave her' – Ipa[68][69]
и реч црь переклюка мѧ олга. и вдасть еи, i rech tsrĭ perekljuka mę olga. i, 'And [the] tsar said: 'Olga [nominative] has fool[ed] me.' And [he] gave her' – Ipa[68][69]
и рече цесарь прѣдстоꙗщимъ ту велможамъ своимъ упремудри мꙗ олга словесы своими бѣ же она мудра словесы цесарь же пакы чемьскыи слышавши глаголы еꙗ дасть еи, 'And the Tsesar said to his nobles [standing] before him: 'Olga [nominative] has outsmarted me with her words.' For she was wise in words. And the Tsesar, having heard her words, then gave her' – Kom[68]
Butler (2008): '[Ostrowski et al. (2003)], lines 61,22, omits "esi" after "Perekliukala" (sometimes with vocative "Ol'go"), which causes some manuscripts to read, "You have fooled, me, Ol'ga."'[69]
Премудрость на исходищихъ поеть ся, на путьхъ же дьрзновение водить. На краихъ же забральныхъ проповѣдаеть ся, въ вратѣхъ же градьныхъ дьрзающи глаголеть. Елико бо лѣтъ незълобивии дьржать ся по правьду, 'Wisdom is celebrated in places of concourse, she lifteth up her voice in the streets; she crieth at the entrance to the walls, at the gates of cities she uttereth speech. For as many years as the just cleave to wisdom, they shall not be ashamed.[70][71]' – α[72]
עַד־מָתַ֣י ׀ פְּתָיִם֮ תְּֽאֵהֲב֫וּ פֶ֥תִי וְלֵצִ֗ים לָ֭צֹון חָמְד֣וּ לָהֶ֑ם וּ֝כְסִילִ֗ים יִשְׂנְאוּ־דָֽעַת׃ בְּרֹ֥אשׁ הֹמִיֹּ֗ות תִּ֫קְרָ֥א בְּפִתְחֵ֖י שְׁעָרִ֥ים בָּעִ֗יר אֲמָרֶ֥יהָ תֹאמֵֽר׃ חָ֭כְמֹות בַּח֣וּץ תָּרֹ֑נָּה בָּ֝רְחֹבֹ֗ות תִּתֵּ֥ן קֹולָֽהּ׃, 'Out in the open wisdom calls aloud, she raises her voice in the public square; at noisy street corners she cries out, at the city gate she makes her speech: “How long will you who are simple love your simple ways? How long will mockers delight in mockery and fools hate knowledge?"[73]' – Proverbs 1:20–22 NIV[73]
Желание благовѣрьныхъ наслажаеть душю, 'The accomplished desire of the faithful is sweet to the soul.[70]' – α[74]
תַּאֲוָ֣ה נִ֭הְיָה תֶעֱרַ֣ב לְנָ֑פֶשׁ וְתֹועֲבַ֥ת כְּ֝סִילִ֗ים ס֣וּר מֵרָֽע׃, 'A longing fulfilled is sweet to the soul, but fools detest turning from evil.[75]' – Proverbs 13:19 NIV[75] (KVJ: 'The desire accomplished is sweet to the soul: but it is abomination to fools to depart from evil.')[76]
Невѣрьнымъ бо вѣра хрьстияньска уродьство есть, 'For to the infidels, the Christian faith is foolishness.[70]' – α[78]
Ὁ λόγος γὰρ ὁ τοῦ σταυροῦ τοῖς μὲν ἀπολλυμένοις μωρία ἐστίν, 'For the message of the cross is foolishness to those who are perishing.[79]' – 1 Corinthians 1:18 NIV[79]
Не съмыслиша бо, ни разумѣша въ тьмѣ ходящии, и не вѣдять славы Господьня., 'They do not comprehend it, because they walk in darkness and do not see the glory of God.[70]' – α[80]
לֹ֤א יָֽדְע֨וּ ׀ וְלֹ֥א יָבִ֗ינוּ בַּחֲשֵׁכָ֥ה יִתְהַלָּ֑כוּ יִ֝מֹּ֗וטוּ כָּל־מֹ֥וסְדֵי אָֽרֶץ׃, 'The 'gods' know nothing, they understand nothing. They walk about in darkness; all the foundations of the earth are shaken.[81]' – Psalm 82:5 NIV[81]
Аще къто отьца или матере не послушаеть, съмьртию да умреть., Ashche kŭto otĭtsa ili matere ne poslushaetĭ, sŭmĭrtiyu da umretĭ., 'Whosoever heedeth not his father or his mother shall suffer death.[70][84]' – α[85]
וּמְקַלֵּ֥ל אָבִ֛יו וְאִמֹּ֖ו מֹ֥ות יוּמָֽת׃ ס, ū-mə-qal-lêl ’ā-ḇîw wə-’im-mōw mō-wṯ yū-māṯ. s, 'And he who curses his father or his mother surely shall be put to death.' – Exodus 21:17 NIV[86]
на браченье., na brachenĭe, 'in(to) marriage' – Lav Byč Lix[89][67]
на ѡброучание:-, na ōbrouchanie:-, 'in(to) betrothal' – Rad[89][67]
на ѡбрѹченїе., na ōbruchenīe., 'in(to) betrothal' – Aka[89][67]
на ѡбручение., na ōbruchenie., 'in(to) betrothal' – Ipa[89][67]
на оброученїе., na obrouchenīe., 'in(to) betrothal' – Xle[89][67]
на брачение, na brachenie, 'in(to) marriage' – Kom Tol Šax[89][67]
на обручение., na obruchenie., 'in(to) betrothal' – α[89][67]
Ostrowski (2007): 'Here the expected reading is 'marriage' (брачение) since Volodimir had already been 'betrothed' (обручение) to Anna earlier in the narrative.'[67] Müller (2006) and Gippius (2002) argued that 'marriage' (брачение) was the primary reading, and that 'betrothal' (обручение) had to have been a later corruption in the protograph of Ipa and Kle, which had also contaminated Rad and Aka.[90] Ostrowski countered that 'one may ask why the scribe of [Rad/Aka] would adopt a contextually incorrect reading from the contaminating source to replace a contextually correct reading in his direct source.'[90] Following the lectio difficilior potior principle, Ostrowski asserted 'betrothed' (обручение) as the original text.[89][67]
“Скори суть пролияти кръвь бес правды. Събираютъ собѣ зълая ти бо обьщають ся кръви. Сихъ путие суть съконьчавающе безаконие, нечьстиемь бо свою душю емлють”., 'Soon they will shed blood without justice. They gather together the wicked, for they share their blood. These ways are the ways of the lawless, for they eat their souls with iniquity.' – α[91] ("They make haste to shed blood unjustly. For they (133) promise blood, and gather evil. Their path runneth to evil, for they possess their souls in dishonor" (Prov., i, 16-19).'[92])
וְ֭הֵם לְדָמָ֣םכֵּ֗ן אָ֭רְחֹות כָּל־בֹּ֣צֵֽעַ בָּ֑צַע אֶת־נֶ֖פֶשׁ בְּעָלָ֣יו יִקָּֽח׃ פ (...) וְ֭הֵם לְדָמָ֣ם יֶאֱרֹ֑בוּ (...) כִּ֣י רַ֭גְלֵיהֶם לָרַ֣ע יָר֑וּצוּ וִֽ֝ימַהֲר֗וּ לִשְׁפָּךְ־ דָּֽם׃, 'for their feet rush into evil, they are swift to shed blood. (...) These men lie in wait for their own blood; they ambush only themselves! Such are the paths of all who go after ill-gotten gain; it takes away the life of those who get it.[73]' – Proverbs 1:16–19 NIV[73] (KVJ: 'For their feet run to evil, and make haste to shed blood. (...) And they lay wait for their own blood; they lurk privily for their own lives. So are the ways of every one that is greedy of gain; which taketh away the life of the owners thereof.'[93])
οι γαρ πόδες αυτών εις κακίαν τρέχουσι και ταχινοί εισι του εκχέαι αίμα (...) αυτοί γαρ οι φόνου μετέχοντες θησαυρίζουσιν εαυτοίς κακά[.] αύται αι οδοί εισι πάντων των συντελούντων τα άνομα τη γαρ ασεβεία την εαυτών ψυχήν αφαιρούνται, 'For their feet run to evil, and are quick to pour out blood. (...) For they, the ones partaking in murder, treasure up for themselves evils. These are the ways of all the ones completing the lawless [things]. For by impiety they remove their own life/soul.' – Proverbs 1:16–19 LXX ABP[94]
Въ сеже время пришьла бѣ вѣсть къ Ярославу отъ Передъславы о отьни съмьрти, и посъла Ярославъ къ Глѣбу, глаголя: “Не ходи, отьць ти умьрлъ, а братъ ти убиенъ отъ Святопълка”.[96], 'At this moment, Yaroslav received from Predslava the tidings of [their] father's death, and Yaroslav sent [someone] to Gleb, saying: 'Do not set out, your father has died and your brother has been murdered by Svyatopolk."[97][98]' – α[96]
в се же времѧ пришла бѣ вѣсть ѿ передьславы кь ꙗрославу ѡ от҃ни смр҃ти. и посла ꙗрославъ кь глѣбу гл҃ѧ не ходи ѡц҃ь ти оум҃рлъ. а братъ ти оубитъ ѿ с҃тополка., 'At this moment, from Pered'slava Yaroslav received the tidings of [their] father's death, and Yaroslav sent [someone] to Glěb, saying: 'Do not set out, your father has died and your brother has been murdered by Svyatopolk."' – Ipa Xle[96]
Compare Novgorod First Chronicle Younger Redaction (NPL ml):
В се же время пришла бЂ вЂсть къ Ярославу от Передславы о отни смерти, и посла Ярославъ къ ГлЂбу, глаголя: «отець ти умерлъ. а брат ти убиенъ от Святополка»., 'At the same time there came news to Yaroslav from Peredslava about [their] father's death, and Yaroslav sent [someone] to Glěb, saying: "Your father has died, and your brother has been killed by Svyatopolk."' – NPL ml[99]
Въ туже нощь приде ему вѣсть ис Кыева отъ сестры его Передъславы: “Отьць ти умьрлъ, а Святопълкъ сѣдить въ Кыевѣ, убивъ Бориса, а на Глѣба посъла; а блюди ся сего повелику”.[100], 'The same night news came from Kiev sent by his sister Predslava: "Your father has died and Svyatopolk settled in Kiev. He has killed Boris, and has sent [men] against Gleb. Be exceedingly on your guard against him."[101][102]' – α Lav Aka[100]
в ту же нощь приде ему вѣсть ис кыева. ѿ сестры его передьславы ѡц҃ь ти оумерлъ а ст҃ополкъ сѣдить в киевѣ. пославъ оуби бориса и глѣба. а ты блюдисѧ сего повелику, 'The same night news came from Kyevŭ sent by his sister Pered'slava: "Your father has died and Svyatopolk settled in Kyevŭ, having sent [men] to kill Boris and Glěb. Be exceedingly on your guard against him."' – Ipa Xle Rad[100]
И въступиша на ледъ, и одолати нача Ярославъ. Видѣвъ же Святопълкъ, побеже, и одолѣ Ярославъ.[103], 'And when they went onto the ice, Iaroslav began obtaining the advantage. Seeing this, Sviatopolk fled and Iaroslav won.[104]' – Rad Aka Ipat α[103]
и въступиша на ледъ. | и ѡбломисѧ с ними ледъ. и ѡ|далати нача ꙗрославъ. [lacuna][103], 'And they went onto the ice, and the ice weakened under them. And Iaroslav began obtaining the advantage.[104] [lacuna][103]' – Lav[103][104]
и въстоупиша на лед, и обломисѧ лед с вои ст҃ополчи | и мнѡѕи потопоша въ водах. и ѡдолѧти нача ꙗро|славь. видѣв же ст҃ополкь побѣже. и ѡдолѣ ꙗро|славь.[103], 'And they went onto the ice, and the ice weakened under Sviatopolk's soldiers and many drowned in the waters. Iaroslav began obtaining the advantage. Seeing this, Sviatopolk fled and Iaroslav won.[105]' – Xle[103][105]
142.19
Святопълкъ же бѣжа въ Ляхы, Ярославъ же, 'But Sviatopolĭkŭ fled to Lyakh [Poland], but Yaroslavŭ' – all PVL mss. and editions[106][107]
И бЂжя Святопълкъ въ ПечЂнЂгы, а Ярослав, 'And Sviatopolĭkŭ fled to the Pechěněgs, but Yaroslav' – NPL st.[108][107]
И бЂжа Святополкъ в ПеченЂгы, и бысть межи Чахы и Ляхы, никим же гонимъ пропаде оканныи, и тако злЂ живот свои сконча; яже дымъ и до сего дни есть; а Ярославъ, 'And Sviatopolĭkŭ fled to the Pecheněgs, and he was between the Czechs [Bohemians] and the Lyakhs [Poles], and being chased by no one, the accursed ended his life in an evil way; and there is still stench from it to this day; but Yaroslavŭ' – NPL ml.[109][107]
Compare PVL 144.28–145.20
142.19–20
Ярославъ же сѣде Кыевѣ на столѣ отьни., 'But Yaroslavŭ settled in Kyevŭ upon [the] throne of [his] father.' – Rad Aka Ipat Xle α[110][111]
ꙗрославъ же сѣде кыевѣ на столѣ ѡтьни и дѣдни, 'But Jaroslavŭ settled in Kyevŭ upon [the] throne of [his] father and grandfather.' – Lav Byč Šax Lix[110][111]
а Ярослав иде Кыеву, и сЂде на столЂ отця своего Володимира., 'But Yaroslav went [to] Kyevu, and settled on [the] throne of his father Volodimer'.' – NPL st. NPL. ml. (Ярославъ иде къ)[108][111]
переꙗславль. а вѧчеславу, pereyaslavl'. A vęcheslavu, '...Pereyaslavl'. To Vyacheslav...' – Lav Ipa Xle[118]
Переяславль, а Вячеславу, Pereyaslavl', a Vyacheslavu, '...Pereyaslavl', to Vyacheslav...' – Šax α[118]
переꙗславль. а вечславѹ, pereyaslavl'. A vechslavu, '...Pereyaslavl'. To Vechslav...' – Rad[118]
переꙗславль. [а игорю воломеръ] а вечславѹ, pereyaslavl'. [a igoryu volomerŭ] a vechslavu, '...Pereyaslavl'. [To Igor Volomerŭ] to Vechslav...' – Aka[118]
переꙗславль а игореви володимирь а вꙗчеславу, pereyaslavl' a igorevi volodimirĭ a vyacheslavu, '...Pereyaslavl' to Igorevi Volodimirĭ to Vyacheslav...' – Kom[118]
переꙗславль а игореви володимиръ а вꙗчеву, pereyaslavl' a igorevi volodimirŭ a vyacheslavu, '...Pereyaslavl' to Igorevi Volodimirŭ to Vyachev...' – NAk Tol[118]
Переяславль, а Игорю Володимеръ, а Вячеславу, Pereyaslavl', a Igoryu Volodimerŭ, a Vyacheslavu, '...Pereyaslavl', to Igor Volodimerŭ, to Vyacheslav...' – Byč Lix[118]
It is not clear why 'to Igor[evi] Volo[di]merŭ' is found in relatively late copies, but not in the earliest copies. It could represent a harmonisation effort with 162.12–13 and 162.21–22, where all witnesses attest that 'Igor' [settled] in Volodimerŭ', and that when Vyacheslav died in Smolensk shortly thereafter, 'Igor' settled in Smolinĭskě, moving over from Volodimerŭ'.[119] The Igor' in question is probably Igor Yaroslavich, who reportedly died sub anno 1060[120][121] (162.28[122]). Cross & Sherbowitz-Wetzor (1953) and Thuis (2015) both included the city as Vladimir in their translations, footnoting it as "Vladimir-Volÿnsk" and "city in Volhynia" respectively (ergo, modern Volodymyr, Volyn Oblast), without further explanation.[123][121]
имѣю отрокъ своих· ѱ҃· иже могу|ть про[ти]ву имъ стати·[124], iměju otrokŭ svoix· ps· iže mogu tĭ pro[ti]vu imŭ stati·, 'I have about 700 of my men who can stand against them.[125]' – Lav,[124][125] Bychkov,[125] Karski,[125] Likhachev[125]
имѣю ѿрокъ своих· ѿ иже могѹ|ть имъ противоу стать.[124], iměju ō͡trokŭ svoix· ō iže mogu tĭ imŭ protivou statĭ., 'I have about 800 of my men who can stand against them.[125]' – Rad[124][125]
имѣꙗ ѡтрокъ своих| ·ѿ· иже могѹть имь противѹ стати·[124], iměja ōtrokŭ svoix ·ō· iže mogutĭ imŭ protivu stati., 'I have about 800 of my men who can stand against them.[125]' – Aka[124][125]
имѣю ѡтро|къ своихъ· ·и҃·сот· иже мо|гуть [имъ] противу имъ ста|ти·[124], iměju ōtrokŭ svoixŭ· ·i·sot· iže mogutĭ [imŭ] protivu sta ti, 'I have about 8 hundred of my men who can stand against them[125]' – Ipa[124][125]
имѣю | отрѡк своих. ѡсмь сот. иже могоут противоу им сттаи.[124], iměju otrōk svoix. vos[e]mŭ sot. iže mogout protivou im sttai., 'I have about eight hundred of my men who can stand against them[125]' – Xle[124][125]
1101–1102. Dynastic challenges to Sviatopolk II Iziaslavich of Kiev by Yaroslav Yaropolkich of Brest (?) and Mstislav Volodimerovich of Novgorod. Peace with Polovtsi.
277–279
1103 campaign against the Polovtsi (Cumans) by Sviatopolk II Iziaslavich of Kiev and Vladimir II Monomakh.
280
1104: various dynastic events, siege of Minsk, signs in sky.
281
1105–1107: various dynastic events, Semigallians defeat Vseslavichi.
томьж лѣт мцса тогож иде володимеръ и двд҃ъ и ѡлегъ къ аепѣ и другому аепѣ· и створиша миръ· и поꙗ володимеръ за юргѧ· аепину дщерь· ѡсеневу внуку· а ѡлегъ поꙗ за сн҃а· аепину дчерь· гиргеневу внуку· мцса· генвр ·в҃і· дн҃ь·:·[127], 'That same year, in [the] same month, Volodimer' and D[a]v[i]d' and Ōleg' went to Ayepě and [the] other Ayepě. And [they] made peace. And Volodimer' took [as a wife] for Yurgę Aepa's (Aepinu's) daughter, Osen(ev)'s granddaughter, and Ōleg' took [as a wife] for [his] son Aepa's (Aepinu's) daughter, Girgen(ev)'s granddaughter, on [the] 12th day of [the] month of January.' – Lav
томъже лѣтѣ тогоже мцса иде володимеръ и двд҃ъ и ѡлегъ к аꙗпѣ· и другому аепѣ· и створиша миръ· и поꙗ володимеръ за гергиꙗ епиѡпину дщерь· ѧсѣну внука· а ѡлегъ поꙗ [ ] акаепиду дщерь ꙗневу внуку· мцса генварѧ· во вторы на ·і҃· дн҃ь·[127], 'That same year, in [the] same month, Volodimer' and D[a]v[i]d' and Ōleg' went to Ajapě and [the] other Aepě. And [they] made peace. And Volodimer' took [as a wife] for Gergija Epiōpa's (Epiōpinu's) daughter, Ęsěn(u)'s granddaughter, and Ōleg' took [as a wife] [space left blank] Akaepa's (Akaepidu's) daughter, Janev's (Janevu's) granddaughter, on [the] twelfth day of [the] month of January.' – Ipat
283
1108–1109: Sviatopolk II Iziaslavich of Kiev orders construction of various church buildings.
284–285
1109–1110: Rus' campaign against Polovtsi. Signs in sky at Kyiv Pechersk Lavra, including lightning, pillars of fire and cloud, and an angelic apparation.
286.1–7
286.1–7 Only in Lav, Rad and Aka: colophon of Sylvester of Kiev (1116).
286.7a–7pp
286.7a–7pp Only in Ipa and Xle: Primary Chronicle continuation of the Hypatian Codex and Khlebnikov Codex (1110–1117).
Testament of Vladimir Monomakh and Hypatian PVL continuation
Lav: (omitted)
Ipa л.102об: слышавше же Половцѣ смерть Ст҃ополчю, slȳshavshe zhe Polovtsě smertĭ S[via]topolchyu, 'When the Polovtsi heard of Sviatopolk's death,[128]'
Lav 250.20–21a: к выреви бѧху пришли аепа и бонѧкъ· хотѣша взѧти[129], k vȳrevi bęlhu prishli aepa i bonękŭ, khotěsha vzęti, 'Aepa and Bonyak had approached Vÿr', wanting to take it.[130]'
Ipa л.102об: и съвокупившесѧ и придоша къ Выры, i sŭvokupivshesę i pridosha kŭ Vȳrȳ, 'they gathered and marched on Vyr.[128]'
Lav 250.21b–22a: и ко ромну идох со ѡлгомь и з дѣтми на нь·[131], 'I advanced to meet them as far as Romnÿ with Oleg and my children.[130]'
Ipa л.102об: Володимеръ же совокупивъ сн҃ы свои и сыновцѣ. иде къ Выру. и совокуписѧ съ Ѡлгомъ., 'But Volodimerŭ, having gathered his sons and cousins/nephews, advanced to Vyr and joined [his forces] with Oleg's.[132]'
Lav 250.22b: и ѡни ѡчитивше бѣжаша·[133], 'And [when] they noticed, they fled.[130]'
Ipa л.102об: Половцѣ же бѣжаша., '[The] Polovtsi fled.[134]'
^"Examples are quoted here as they appear in
the Laurentian manuscript and are taken from the 1950 Academy of Sciences edition of the Povest' vremennyx let. Numbers in parentheses indicate the location (page and line number) of each example in Volume I of the Academy of Sciences edition."[16]
^Some readers have taken the word нестера to refer to Nestor the Chronicler, but Ostrowski (1981) pointed out: 'The word нестера was added in [the Khlebnikov Codex], and thus cannot be used as evidence for the name of the compiler of the PVL.'[18]
^Yakov Lurie, The history of Russia in the chronicle and perception of the New time// Old Rus' and New Russia: (favorites). SPb. : Dmitry Bulanin (publishing house), 1997.
Ostrowski, Donald, ed. (2003). The Povest' vremennykh let: An Interlinear Collation and Paradosis. 3 volumes (in Russian and English). Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Archived from the original on 9 March 2005. Retrieved 23 March 2002. (assoc. ed. David J. Birnbaum (Harvard Library of Early Ukrainian Literature, vol. 10, parts 1–3)) – This 2003 Ostrowski et al. edition includes an interlinear collation including the five main manuscript witnesses, the Trinity Chronicle (as far as can reliably reconstructed), three manuscripts of the Novgorod First Chronicle, as well as a new paradosis ("a proposed best reading").
Izbornyk (2001). "Новгородская Первая Летопись Младшего Извода" [Novgorod First Chronicle of the Younger Edition]. Izbornyk (in Church Slavic). Retrieved 15 May 2023. – digitised version of the mid-15th-century Archaeographic Commission's edition (or "Younger Edition") of the Novgorod First Chronicle (Komissionnyy NPL)
