Denis Nikolayevich Voronenkov (Russian: Денис Николаевич Вороненков, IPA:[dʲɪˈnʲisvərɐˈnʲɛnkəf]; 10 April 1971 – 23 March 2017) was a Russian politician who served as a member of the State Duma from 2011 to 2016. He was a member of the Unity party from 2000 to 2003 and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation from 2011 to 2016.
The following month, Voronenkov renounced his Russian citizenship and emigrated to Ukraine with his wife, Maria Maksakova Jr. There he became a vocal critic of Russian president, Vladimir Putin, and Russian foreign policy. Although as a member of the State Duma, he had voted for Russia's annexation of Crimea, while in Ukraine he argued that the annexation had been illegal. In early 2017, the Investigative Committee of Russia opened a case to look into Voronenkov's suspected corruption, and an investigation by the anti-corruption blogger and Russian opposition figure Alexei Navalny found that Voronenkov possessed significantly more assets than his officially-declared income would allow.
Voronenkov was shot dead in Kyiv by a Ukrainian national, Pavlo Parshov. Ukrainian prosecutors believe that it had been a contract killing (arranged by an FSB officer) while the country's then-president, Petro Poroshenko, alleged that it had been orchestrated by the Russian government.
Personal life and family
Denis Nikolayevich Voronenkov was born in Gorky (now Nizhny Novgorod), Russian SFSR, but had a Ukrainian grandmother and (according to his widow) spent his childhood in Ukraine's Kherson Oblast.[2] Voronenkov married former fellow Russian MP and opera singer[3]Maria Maksakova Jr. in March 2015.[4][5] The couple met while working on a bill regulating the export of cultural artifacts.[5] Each of them had two children from previous relationships.[6] Their son was born in April 2016.[7] Voronenkov's first two children are his daughter Xenia (b. 2000) and his son Nikolay from his first marriage with Yulia.[1] The Ukrainian journalist Kostyantyn Doroshenko published the book «Aria of Mary» a biography of Maria Maksakova and her life with Voronenkov.(2021).[8][9]
Voronenkov lost his bid for reelection in September 2016, taking third place (13.99%) in constituency No.129, located in his native Nizhny Novgorod Oblast, well behind the winner, United Russia candidate Vladimir Panov (42.39%).[1] He stepped down from the State Duma in October.[13] Later that month, Voronenkov announced that he had given up his Russian citizenship and left for Ukraine,[14][15] where he was naturalized as a Ukrainian citizen in December.[4][16] Voronenkov said that he had no intention of entering Ukrainian politics.[7] He was expelled from the Communist Party in 2016.[1]
After he moved to Ukraine, he became known as a sharp critic of Russian president Vladimir Putin and Russian policy towards Ukraine. Before stepping down as an MP in Russia, he had however taken part in the parliamentary vote to annex Crimea from Ukraine, for which he was criticised in Ukraine.[3] Although his vote was registered, he stated that he was not present in parliament on that day.[7] In 2014 he had also voiced support for the breakaway regions of Novorossiya in the east of Ukraine, which added to the criticism of him in Ukraine. In 2017 he was however an outspoken critic of Russian intervention in Ukraine and elsewhere, e.g. in Transnistria, Abkhazia and South Ossetia.[7] In an interview with Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty in February 2017, Voronenkov compared Russia under Vladimir Putin to Nazi Germany and called the Russian annexation of Crimea both illegal and a mistake.[7] He described the atmosphere in Russia as characterised by a "pseudo-patriotic frenzy" and "total fear".[7] At the time of his death, he had been due to testify against former Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovych.[17]
According to Voronenkov, he was persecuted in Russia by the Federal Security Service whom he accused of being involved in drug trafficking.[4] In October 2016 the Russian Prosecutor-General's Office refused to launch a probe against Voronenkov recommended by the Investigative Committee of Russia.[14] Nevertheless, Voronenkov was accused later of being involved in an illegal property seizure (worth 127 million rubles[18]) in Moscow.[14] Russian investigators were preparing a criminal case against Voronenkov, but were waiting for his parliamentary immunity to run out in December 2016.[11] In March 2017 a court in Moscow had sanctioned Voronenkov's arrest in absentia.[18] Voronenkov himself dismissed the Russian accusations as politically motivated and stated that the Federal Security Service had offered him to write off the accusations against him if he would pay them US$3 million.[19][10]
Voronenkov has been accused by Alexey Navalny and the Anti-Corruption Foundation of using ill-gotten wealth to buy extensive property and automotive holdings worth hundreds of millions of rubles. Voronenkov had multiple properties including a luxury villa worth 300 million rubles, which his annual parliamentary salary of 3 million rubles (his highest ever reported income), given that he has only ever worked in the Russian government, could scarcely have afforded him.[20][21]
Death
Voronenkov was shot dead in Kyiv as he left the Premier Palace hotel on March 23, 2017.[11][3][22]Ukraine's General ProsecutorYuriy Lutsenko stated that Voronenkov was shot at least three times, including in the head, and died instantly.[17] He was on his way to meet Ilya Ponomarev, another former Russian MP living in exile in Ukraine (the only MP to vote against the annexation of Crimea).[17] His assailant was wounded by Voronenkov's bodyguard (who was provided by the Ukrainian Security Service)[3] and taken to a hospital, where he later died from his wounds, according to the authorities.[17] The gunman carried a Ukrainian passport and had been sought by the police on fraud and money laundering charges, according to the General Prosecutor of Ukraine.[17][23]Anton Herashchenko, an official with Ukraine's Interior Ministry and a Ukrainian lawmaker[24] said that the name of the gunman was Pavlo Parshov, a Ukrainian citizen and veteran of Ukraine's volunteer paramilitary unit.[24] He also said that Parshov was planted by Russian services as an undercover agent into the National Guard of Ukraine.[25] A police spokesman said the murder was likely a contract killing.[13] Voronenkov's bodyguard was also wounded during the incident.[3]
The president of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko reacted to the murder by calling it an act of Russian "state terrorism". Russian President Vladimir Putin's spokesman, Dmitry Peskov denied being involved and called the claims "absurd". Several other officials also dismissed involvement.[17] Russian MP and former Director of the Russian Federal Security Service Nikolay Kovalyov said to Russian TV that he believed the murder may be linked to a business dispute.[17] Ponomarev reacted to the murder by stating: "I have no words. The security guard was able to injure the attacker. The potential theory is obvious. Voronenkov was not a crook, but an investigator who was fatally dangerous to Russian authorities."[3] Lutsenko called the murder a "typical show execution of a witness by the Kremlin."[26]
A little more than a month before his murder, Voronenkov said that he feared for his own and his family's security, and that he had been "poking a sore spot of the Kremlin" with his criticism of the Russian president.[7] In a March 2017 interview, he referred to "demonization" in Russia and stated, "The system has lost its mind. They say we are traitors in Russia. And I say, 'Who did we betray?"[27]
In 2019 The New York Times Magazine reported that Voronenkov's death was likely to have been related to him benefiting on his co-conspirators in a case of corporate raiding.[28]
Investigation
Pavlo Parshov's papers issued by UNG.
In March, 2017 the Ukrainian National Guard (UNG) identified perpetrator of the crime as Pavlo Parshov (Ukrainian: Павло Паршов), a 28-year-old far-right Ukrainian nationalist and former member of the National Guard who was previously suspected in a money-laundering case. He died in custody in intensive care unit from wounds sustained at the scene. His nom de guerre was the Boxer.[28][29] The same month Ukrainian MIA placed on its wanted list Parshov's suspected co-conspirator Yaroslav Levenets (Ukrainian: Ярослав Левенец) who previously served as militant (under the Hunter pseudonym) in the far-right nationalist Right-Sector group and who fought in War in Donbass and had history of arrests for various crimes in the past.[30]
In September 2017 Ukrainian prosecutor's office announced that Vladimir Tyurin [ru] (a thief in law who was in relationship with Maria Maksakova Jr. before she married Voronenkov) was hired by Oleg Feoktistov (Russian: Олег Феоктистов), a Russian FSB officer, to organize the assassination of Voronenkov. The latter was said to be at odds with Feoktistov. The investigation did not provide any evidence.[28][31][32]
^During this period the Military Prosecutor's Office was acting as the de factomilitary police of the Russian Armed Forces, with some assistance from ministry of internal affairs OMON units.
^Apparently with the permanent rank of major but an acting rank of colonel.
^"Розшукові обліки МВС" (in Ukrainian). Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine. 25 November 2011. Archived from the original on 24 March 2017. Retrieved 17 July 2018.
^ abc"He Played by the Rules of Putin's Russia, Until He Didn't: The Story of a Murder". The New York Times Magazine. 5 February 2019. Retrieved 10 February 2019. In September 2017, the Ukrainian prosecutor's office held a news conference to announce the results of its investigation. Lutsenko, Kononenko and Ponomarev lined up in front of the cameras to announce that law enforcement had solved the case. Under F.S.B. direction, they explained, Vladimir Tyurin — Maksakova's former partner — hired three Ukrainian radicals through his criminal network: the shooter, whose nom de guerre was the Boxer; an associate, called the Hunter; and the driver, Yaroslav Tarasenko, who was arrested in June but maintained his innocence. "The heads of the F.S.B., together with the heads of the criminal world of Russia, had prepared actions toward the murder — or elimination, from their point of view — of an incredibly valuable witness," Lutsenko began. [...]
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