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The Chutia people (Pron: /ˈsʊðiːjɑː/ or Sutia) are an ethnic group that are native to Assam and historically associated with the Chutia kingdom.[7] However, after the kingdom was absorbed into the Ahom kingdom in 1523–24, the Chutia population was widely displaced and dispersed in other parts of Upper Assam[8][9] as well as Central Assam.[10] They constitute one of the core groups that form the Assamese people.[11][12]
A 2004 genetic study has found that in the "tribal" and "caste" continuum, the Chutia people occupy an ambiguous position in the middle,[13] along with the Ahoms and the Rajbanshis.[14] The historic Chutias originally belonged to the Bodo–Kachari group[15] with some suspected Shan admixtures;[16] nevertheless, it is estimated that their ruling families were originally either matrilineal or not entirely patrilineal.[17] The Chutia people experienced Sanskritisation when the Chutia kingdom was extant,[18][19] and later from Ekasarana dharma.[20] They have also assimilated with other groups especially the Ahoms.[21]
The Chutia community is recognized as an Other Backward Class by the Government of India.[22] Currently there is a political movement to include the Chutia community in the scheduled tribes list of India.[23] During the colonial period, the Chutia community had the second largest population in Upper Assam (east of Kaliabor).[24] Today, most of them reside in this region of Upper Assam.
Names
The origin of the name Chutia is not known: the Chutia kingdom was called Tiora (literal meaning: Burha Tai/Elder Tai) in the Ahom languageBuranjis, whereas the Assamese language ones used Chutia.[7]
The Chutia kingdom emerged in early medieval times in eastern Assam on the northern bank of the river Brahmaputra and was one among other ethnic kingdoms—Ahom, Dimasa, Tripura etc.[25] The inscriptions from the late 14th century suggest that by then the autochthonous kings were Hinduised in the Vaishnava tradition.[26] The kingdom prevailed in the regions around Sadiya, its capital, in northeastern Assam and parts of Arunachal Pradesh. The kingdom primarily encompassed the present districts of Lakhimpur, Dhemaji, Tinsukia, and Dibrugarh in Assam.[27]
It was absorbed into the Ahom kingdom in 1524 under Suhungmung. At the time of absorption, the kingdom was Hinduised with the caste system either marginal or prevalent.[28][29] At the time of annexation, a section of Chutias were hinduised,[30][31] those that were not were later initiated into the Ekasarana dharma under the Mayamara Satra in the 17th century.[32] The capital region became a frontier province of the Ahom kingdom under the Sadiya-khowa Gohain, and the nobles were widely dispersed in Upper Assam.[33]
Religion
Chutia Dharma Husori performed in Borgaon, Tinsukia
The Chutias worshipped a primordial male deity and a primordial female deity. The male was called Kundimama, Balia-Baba or Pisha-dema, known by the Kacharis as Bathau or Bathau Brai[34] and the female deity was called Kechaikhati or Pisha-si.[35] The worship of the tribal goddess Kesai Khaiti, commonly found among other Bodo-Kachari groups[36][37][38][39][40] The worship of the goddess Kechaikhaiti was officiated by the priestly section that came to be today identified as the Deori people; and other Bodo-Kachari peoples had their respective priests who too were called Deori.[41]
Another god and goddess were the Bura and Buri or the "Old Ones." which under later Hindu influence became Shiva and Shakti.[42]
Sanskritization
The settlement of Brahmins in the kingdom led to the Hinduisation and legitimisation of the Chutia rulers and the rulers claimed their divine descent from the Asuras.[43][44] The term Asura is used to refers to the Non-Aryans and their otherness in forms of custom, including marriage, and property.[45]
Following the emergence of ekasarana namadharma in the 16th century, and after the fall of the Chutia kingdom, a new Hindu lineage was constructed for the Chutias and in this lineage, the Chutias claim to trace their origin to the legendary king of Bhishmaka of Vidarbha.[46] The association of the legend with the Chutia polity led to a widespread renaming of the region.[47]
The Chutia people speak the Assamese language today—the original Tibeto-Burmese[15][48] language spoken by them has disappeared.[49] In the 19th century, a British colonial officer, W B Brown, erroneously identified the Deori language as the original language of the Chutia people,[50][51] This confusion, scholars assume, arose since the Deoris served as priests in the Chutia kingdom, but the Deori community today is not related to the Chutia community ethnically or linguistically.[52] Linguists have noted that the Deori language has linguistic features that resulted from contact with other linguistic groups in places where the Chutia were never present.[53]
Society
Social life
Chutia people generally live in joint families. The number of members in a joint family at times exceeded one hundred. The father is the head of the family. Household duties are discharged by the family members with mutual understanding and co-operation, on a rotatory basis.[54]
Photos from 1900 showing the typical face of a Chutia man(centre).
Historical divisions
After the fall of the Chutia kingdom, the Chutia people were divided into different groups due to circumstances based on either religious inclinations or associations with other communities. Over time, Chutias divided into five important groups:[55]
Hindu Chutia
The Hindu Chutias represented a large section of the population. These are the Chutias who were initiated by Vaishnavite saints like Shankardev, Madhavdev into Vaishnavism sect of Hinduism. They are popularly termed as Kesa-ponthi as they have been imposed certain restrictions like the use of animal meat and alcohols in their rites by the Vaishnavite community. The other group Poka-ponthi have retained their tribal customs in their original form.[56]
Ahom Chutia
Among the Pokaponthis, the Ahom Chutias formed the major sub-division. They were termed as such as they intermarried with the Ahoms. Most of them have been absorbed into the Ahom fold over time.[57] They held various position in the Ahom kingdom's administration as seen with Momai Tamuli Borbarua, Langi Panisiya Borphukan,[58] Rupchandra Borbarua,[59] Kirtichandra Borbarua, Lachit Borphukan, Piyoli Borphukan, Badanchandra Borphukan, Thumlung Borgohain,[60] Banrukia Gohain(during Susenpha's reign). Even during Sukapha's reign, many Chutia or Moran families like Som-chiring and Changsai were absorbed into the Ahom fold. Majority of Ahoms of the Chetia clan as well as the Lahon clan originated from the Chutia community.[61]
Borahi Chutia
It is believed that the Borahi Chutias were a sub-group of Chutias who had certain religious rites different from other Chutias. The Buranjis mention classes (khel) like the Naoboicha and Hiloidari as being originally Chutias and included in the Borahi fold. Moreover, the Tai word used for the Borahis was Kha-lang with kha used by the Ahoms to refer to the people who were not associated with wet rice cultivation. Although most of them were absorbed into the Ahom group, some of the Chutias living in Dhemaji, Golaghat and Sibsagar districts still identify themselves as Borahi-Chutias.[62]
Miri Chutia
Miri Chutias were the Chutias who lived in the bordering villages of the northern bank of Brahmaputra and fled to the Miri hills during the Ahom advent. They intermarried with the Mishing and were subsequently absorbed by the later. They chiefly belonged to the Bihiya, Buruk (Medok) and Bebejia clans.[63] In several villages, Mishing families still offer annual homage of 'Jal-Pinda' to some Chutia Mine or Chutiya grandmother which indicates that these people were originally Chutias.[64] In the past, these descendants of the Chutia aristocracy also wore their hair long, contrary to the usual custom of the Mishing tribe; this they said was the privilege of the royal family.[65] One of the two groups among the Mishing tribe, the Barogram, were referred to as Chutia-Miri which indicates that these Mishings were earlier subjects of the Chutia kings.[66]
Traditional attire
Male attire
A Chutia man in his traditional attire
The traditional attire of the Chutia men includes the Chutia paguri (headgear), Chutia sula (shirt), Churia (lower garment), Gamusa/Bisuwan (scarf), Cheleng sador (Shawl) and Tongali (waist scarf). The royals and the rich in the past wore clothes made out of Muga and Paat Silk, whereas the ordinary class wore Cotton (summers) and Eri Silk (winter). The royals also used other clothing items like the Panikamoli cloth as well as the Aruwan.[67][68] In the ancient times, royal men wore jewelry items like Longkeru (Earrings), Mota Moni (necklace) as well as golden footwear (Paduka). The royals also used silk umbrellas with gold embroidery known as Gunakara.[69]
Some components of the male attire include:
Chutia paguri
There were several types of Chutia headgears or paguris in the past as per the style of tying the knots. The three primary types are Xatphul/Sarpa Paag, Ronuwa/Junga Paag and the Enajori Paag. Out of this, the Xatphul and Enajori paguri are still worn. The Xatphul type is worn by the priests and is snake-shaped; hence the name Sarpa (snake). Today, the Chutias use this type as their traditional Chutia headgear. The Ronuwa type was worn in the battle field and can be seen in the terracota plates of Bhismaknagar as well as the Tamreswari Temple.[70]
Churia (Churu-Isa)
The Chutias often wear their Churia (dhoti) short (till the knees). The Churias used by Chutia men are very well depicted in the terracota plates of Bhismaknaagar as well as the Tamreswari temple.[70]
Gamusa and Bisuwan
The Gamusa is an important part of the Chutia attire and is used as a scarf. The Bisuwan (Bisu meaning "Bihu" and Wan meaning "textile")[71] is a variant of the Gamusa used during the Bihu/Bisu festival. The difference between the Gamusa and the Bisuwan is mainly the design and use. Although both the scarfs consist of red side borders, the Bisuwan consists of floral patterns as cross border at one end, instead of the regular plain red cross borders of the Gamusa.
Tangali
The Tangali is a waist wrapper worn by males or used as belt to gird the waist. In the past, a white Tangali was worn by warriors in the battlefield which would turn red with blood on their return. This symbolism later made way for the red Tangali which is worn by young boys when they perform Bihu Huchori. The two ends of Tangali are trimmed with fringes and ornamented with floral motifs of coloured threads. The Tangali can be seen in the terracota plates of Bhismaknagar as well as the Tamreswari temple.[70]
Cheleng Chador (Cheleng-Isa)
The Cheleng Chador is another important component of the Chutia attire. It is usually wrapped around the shoulders similar to a shawl and is about 9 feet in length.[72]
Women attire
A Chutia girl in her traditional attire Riha (Methoni), Mekhela, Chula, Gatigi and ornaments Gam kharu, Madoli and Junbiri.
Among the Chutia people, women of every age group have their own unique clothing style. Girls until puberty wear a Gamusa called Baiga as an upper garment and a Mekhela/Igu as a lower garment (waist to ankle). In the olden times, it was either made of Muga/Paat (affluent class) or cotton (common class).[73] After puberty and until marriage, the girls wear a Riha/Risa (chest wrapper)[74] instead of Baiga as the upper garment. This custom of changing the clothing style after puberty is a tradition of the tribe.[75] During marriages, the brides wear a Paat/Muga Riha along with Mekhela and Chador. The Dukothia, Chador and the Kokal-mora are signs of marriage.[76]
The brides also wore Harudai Jaapi as headgear in the past.[69] A married women usually wears a mekhela, kokal-bandha (waist wrapper) as well as Gathigi (headgear) and a Chador to cover their head. The Mekhela of married women is a longer cloth which is worn up to their bosom unlike that of girls worn from the waist and downwards. The Riha of women is worn only on special occasions like Bihu, marriage ceremonies, temple visits, rituals, etc. Chutia traditional ornaments include Madoli (Chutia word), Dugdugi (Chutia word), Junbiri, Thuria, and Gam-kharu.[77]
Some components of the female attire include:
Mekhela (Igu)
The Mekhela is the most important component of the Chutia female attire. Until marriage, girls wear the mekhela from the waist downwards, which is later tied up to the bosom after marriage. Another cloth called Kokal-bondha (waist wrapper) is also worn above the mekhela by married women. The Chutias consider the red-embroidered Dabua-Bosa Mekhela to be their symbolic attire. Apart from the primary Dabua-bosa design, the Mekhela also consists of Buta-bosa and Phul-bosa at the lower end, which generally uses white and black threads.
Riha (Risa)
Riha refers to the chest wrapper worn by Chutia women. (Risa in Dimasa[78] and Tripuri[79][80][81]) The Riha is a narrow cloth as indicated by its name. It can be divided into two types. One worn by girls and the other by married women. Unmarried girls wear the Riha from the chest to the waist, while married women wear it by wrapping around the shoulder similar to the Chador. But, among married women, it is still being although in a different fashion (like a Chador).[82] The style of wearing a Riha beneath the Chador among married women indicates that the Riha is much older. The Muga Riha/Risa forms a part of the symbolic attire of the Chutia people. Muga silk is an ancient heritage of the Chutia people. As per the Naoboicha Phukan Buranji, Muga was adopted in the Ahom courts at a later period by employing a thousand Muga producers and weavers from the Chutia community. It consists of patterns known as Kesh-bosa in both the ends.
Gathigi
Gathigi is the headgear of Chutia women which consists of a Gamusa tied around the hair. The word Gathigi is derived from Gathi which means "knot" in Assamese language. It is mostly worn to protect the hair from dirt and also acts as a hair-covering while cooking. It is mostly worn to protect the hair from dirt and also acts as a hair-covering while cooking. The Bihu songs well establish the historical link between the traditional red-white Gamusa with Sadiya.
Dukothia, Chador and Kokalmora
The Chutia Dukothia is a cloth of 2 kathi or 6 feet in length and wrapped around the head and the upper body, while the Chador is about 8–9 feet in length and wrapped from the waist to the upper body and head. Wearing the Dukothia or Chador is compulsory for married women in front of elders or on religious occasions. These are mostly made of cotton or endi silk. The Kokal-mara, on the other hand, is a waist wrapper cloth.
Hasoti and Dabua Katari
The Hasoti and Dabua Katari are both age-old heritage of the Chutia tribe and form an important component of the Chutia female attire. Hasoti is a small red handkerchief which is tied to the Mekhela. On the other end of the Hasoti, a pocket clasp knife called Dabua Katari is tied. It is used by Chutia women to do daily chores like cutting areca nuts or betel nut leaves. The Dab/Dabua Katari is also found among Boros and Dimasas which they call as Daba knife.
Harudai Jaapi
The Jaapi has been an integral part of Chutia heritage. The Chutia brides wore a Sorudoi Jaapi during marriage ceremonies which were continued up until recently.[83] As per historical text, the last Chutia king Nitipal had given two gold and silver embroidered Japis to the Ahom king as gifts in his attempts for a treaty.[84][85] Besides this, after annexing Sadiya, the Ahom king received much treasure and bounty among which included Jaapis.[86] During the Ahom rule, Jaapi-hajiya Khel (guild for making Jaapis) was monopolised by Chutias, which indicate that they were experts in weaving Japis.[87]
Culture
Housing
The Chutia people reside mostly in the interior places on the banks of the rivers. A Chutia village usually consists from at least 60 to about 140 families. Earlier each family housed about 100 individuals in joint families,[88]
Rituals
The rituals of the Chutia community have a tribal-tantric folk religion base with an influence of Hinduism and Vaishnavism which have brought some reforms among a section of Chutias who are now known as Kesa-ponthi. They are named as such because they have been imposed certain restrictions like use of animal meat and alcohol in their rites. Others who have retained the age-old customs in its original form are termed as Poka-ponthis. Some of the rituals include Sabahs like Holita loguwa, Aai, Panitula Borsabah, Dangoria, Borsarakia, Khuti, Jal Devota, Jal kuwari, Apeswari, Kalika; Hewa/Pujas like Deo-kuber, Suvasani, Moh jokh Raati Hewa, Haun puja, and other rituals like Bhekulir Biya, Na-khuwa, Nangol dhua, Bhoral pitha dia, Nangol pitha dia.[70] A few of the rituals are discussed below.
Deo-kuber
The Deo-kuber ritual is a tribal-tantrik form of ancestral worship. It is also known as Deo-kuber Holita loguwa hokam as earthen lamps are lighted in the name of the god of wealth Kuber as well as Kundi. The other Bodo origin tribes like Boros, Koch and Rabhas also celebrate a similar festival which they call as Kuber Brai. During the rule of the Chutia kings, this ritual was often organised for the welfare of the state. In this ceremony, the religious symbols of Kuber god. During this ceremony, rice beer (Chuje), Handoh guri (ground rice), puffed rice (Akhoi), areca nut, betel leaves, several kinds of Pitha (Khula dia, Tel Diya, etc.), duck meat and posola (a dish made of banana stem) are prepared. A pair of a male and female duck is sacrificed in the name of Gira-Girasi (ancestral deities) and smoked meat is offered along with two servings of Chuje to the deities. After the Deori completes his prayers and rituals, the duck is prepared into a dish and distributed among the people as offerings from God.[70]
Dangoria Sabah
The Dangoria is considered to be a village deity among the Chutias. The ritual is generally organised near the tree where the spirit is believed to reside. In modern times, many people organise it in their homes. The Poka-panthi sect offers rice wine (Chuje) along with meat while the Kesa-panthi sect offers rice-powder (pitha-guri), milk-pudding (payakh) and bananas. The Poka-panthis have three types of Dangoria rituals (Kala Sorai, Ronga sorai and Tinitia Sorai) according to the type of bird being sacrificed. In this ritual, first earthen lamps are lit under the tree. Then, an offering of chuje or payakh is made along with four pairs of betel leaf and areca nuts, Banana Khar and vegetable curry. The Poka-panthis also sacrifice the birds and cook the meat along with Korai guri. Later, the priests pray to the spirit of the Dangoria deity and bless the household.[70] The ritual is known as "Rangason" in Deori language.
Apeswari Sabah
The Apeshwari Sabha is organised to worship Apeshwari Ai (a form of Kechai-khati goddess).In this ritual, the house is first clean thoroughly and all the used clothes are washed. Then, some girls, as well as old women from the village, are called to the household. They are named as Gopinis and are made to sit in a circle in the courtyard. After that, the family brings in the offerings which include rice-powder (pitha-guri), unpasteurised milk (ewa gakhir) and bananas. Then, at the front of the women, a sieve (Saloni/Dala) is placed on top of which the offerings are arranged on a banana leaf (agoli kolpat) and a white cloth. Next, earthen lamps (saki) are lit and the area is decorated with flowers and betel nuts. The Gopinis then recite prayers (Apeshwari naam) to the goddess so as to bless the household especially the child. The family is asked to come and pray to the goddess and the Gopinis bless the child/infant. After this is over, a set of offering is separated for the goddess and offered to her at the backyard of the house or in an open field. The rest is given to the Gopinis as offerings for their service.[89] This ritual is also found among the Deoris and call the deity as Apeswari or Yoi Midi.
Suvasani
The Suvasani ritual is mostly carried out at night in the months of April/May for the well-being of family/village members. Suvasani Aai is a household deity (a form of the goddess Kechai-khati). In the ritual, first, the priest prays to the goddess Suvasani for the welfare of the family/village and then distributes prasad along with holy water to the people for purifying their souls. Then, ducks are sacrificed by the priest with the help of other people. After the sacrifice is over, the male members of the family/village get together and organise a feast. This ritual is also found among the Tengaponia clan of the Deoris and call the deity as Suvasani or Yanyo Midi. Due to the influence of Neo-Vaishnava faith, a large number of Chutias have either left performing the ritual or have replaced the duck with an ash gourd.
[70]
^"Population by Religious Communities". Census India – 2001. Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India. Retrieved 1 July 2019. Census Data Finder/C Series/Population by Religious Communities
^ ab"In the chronicles of Assam, either in the Tai-Ahom or Assamese languages, two kingdoms were important in 15th and 16th century Upper Assam. These two “peoples” were called Kachari and Chutiya in the Assamese language, and respectively Tumisa (or Timisa) and Tiora in the Tai-Ahom language."(Jacquesson 2008:29)
^"(After defeating the Chutiyas, a number) of blacksmiths and other artisans were taken from Sadiya to the Ahom capital. Having settled all these matters Suhunmung returned to Charaideo where he performed the 'Rikkhan' ceremony"(Baruah 2007:178)
^(Sarma 1993:287) Dewanar Atla: "Suhungmung or Swarganarayan, after defeating Dhirnarayana and his minister Kasitora, received a number of Dola, Kali..Hiloi and gunpowder (Kalai-khar). Besides these, he also made a number of blacksmiths (Komar) prisoners and settled them either at Bosa (in present-day Jorhat district) or Ujjoni regions")
^"(T)he outer limit of Darrang district, in the western-most extent of which Ahom conquerors settled the vanquished Chutiyas in the early part of the sixteenth century."(Shin 2020:53)
^"They [Chutias] posed a formidable barrier to Ahom expansion and growth as such, their annihilation and absorption by the Ahoms was the natural outcome. In the Ahomisation process, some of them became Ahom-chutiyas who were admitted into the higher offices in the Ahom government. The conquest and absorption of the Chutiyas were a shot in the arm in the Ahom state building process."(Buragohain 1988:70)
^"Many were the people throughout Assam who considered themselves “Chutiyas”, especially in Upper Assam, but they were considered to be an Assamese 'caste' since they were (and still are) quite indistinguishable from common Assamese people; actually, they were (and still are) one of those traditional groups of Assam that came to form the Assamese people." (Jacquesson 2008:29)
^"The process of assimilation of some of the tribes in the caste hierarchy is probably reflected in the broad constellation of populations in the multidimensional plot (Fig. 3); on the one end it is the constellation of populations subscribing to the caste system, while the other end of the plot is the constellation of tribal groups. In between lie groups like the Rajbanshi, Chutiya, and Ahom, which were supposed to have undergone the process discussed above." (Kumar, Basu & Reddy 2004:339)
^"The Chutia, Ahom, and Rajbanshis constitute a separate and compact cluster positioned in the center of MDS plot."(Kumar, Basu & Reddy 2004:341)
^ ab(M)embers of the Mataks like the Morans, Barahis, Kacharis and Chutiyas, being members of the great Bodo family, had allied religious beliefs and customs. All of them worshipped a Primodial male deity and a Primodial female deity, and all of them were animist.(Dutta 1985:48)
^"From the physical appearance of the Chutiyas, Gait opinies "they have in their frames a considerable infusion of Shan blood...." This may be possible because the Chutiyas were the next neighbours of the Shans of southeast Asia"(Dutta 1985:28)
^"The epigraphic record of Satyanārāyaṇa, whose lineage is named in reference to his maternal uncle, is therefore significant. It may constitute evidence of matrilineality of the Sadiya-based Chutiya ruling family, or that their system was not exclusively patrilineal."(Shin 2020:54)
^"The frequent appearance of Vaiṣṇava brahmins in the Chutiya royal grants shows their enhanced presence in the court and rural society" (Shin 2020:55)
^"(A)fter the sixteenth century with the advent of the neo-Vaiṣṇava movement of Śankaradeva which brought about a profound change in the cultural and historical consciousness of the local population, including the Chutiyas."(Shin 2020:55)
^" While the Ahom has a subdivision called "Chutia", the Chutia have a section known as "Ahom". (Kumar, Basu & Reddy 2004:337)
^"Central List of OBCs". National Commission for Backward Classes. 9 January 2015. Archived from the original on 26 February 2021. Retrieved 23 June 2021.
^"Modern Chutiyas, who would be very pleased to be registered as a schedule tribe, have now and then used Brown's book (or at least its title) as a political weapon. The Deoris, on the contrary, are not happy with this unfortunate misunderstanding, because they hope their smaller tribe will not be merged into the much larger Chutiya group." (Jacquesson 2008:29)
^"In the parts east from Kaliabor, the tribe next most numerous is called Chutiya."(Hamilton 1940, p. 53)
^"The period from 13th to the 16th century saw the emergence and development of a large number of tribal political formations in north-east India. The Chutia, the Tai-ahom, the Koch, the Dimasa, the Tripuri, the Meithei, the Khasi and the Pamar- all these tribes crystallised into rudimentary state formations by the 15th century....The most developed of the tribes in the 15th century were the Chutias." (Guha 1983:5)
^"Given these Puranic traditions, the rulers of Sadiya, with help of Vaiṣṇava brahmins, seem to have sought legitimacy by projecting themselves as the descendants of Kṛṣṇa. Their worship of Kṛṣṇa was evident in the invocation of Vāsudeva (the son of Vasudeva, namely Kṛṣṇa) at the beginning of the Dhenukhana inscription. This attempt, however, had its own limitations due to their autochthonous background." (Shin 2020:53)
^"[T]he Chutiya territory extended over almost the entire region of present districts of Lakhimpur, Dhemaji, Tinsukia and some parts of Dibrugarh." (Gogoi 2002:20–21)
^"However, the caste system (in the Chutia kingdom) was in its marginal form"(Buragohain 1988:70)
^(At the time of annexation by the Ahoms) caste system had become prevalent in (the Chutiya) society." (Gogoi 2002:21)
^ ab"A section of Chutias who came identified as Hindu-Chutiyas was Aryanised at a very early period"(Dutta 1985:29–30)
^ ab"(The) Hindu Chutia finally lost almost all tribal identities" (Nath 2013:34)
^ ab"Those Chutias, who were not Hinduised and lived in the neighbourhood of the Mayamara Satra, accepted initiation from its Mahanta"(Dutta 1985:29–31)
^"Suhunmung scattered the Chutiya nobles in different parts of the kingdom, so as to prevent an organised rebellion from them"(Dutta 1985:30)
^"The male deity was called by the Kacharis as Bathou, Bathou Brai, and by the Chutiyas as Kundimama, Balia-Baba or Pisha-dema"(Dutta 1985:48–49)
^"The Primordial female deity was called by Kacharis as Ai-Deo, Kamakhi Kamlakhi, etc., and by the Chutiyas as Pisha-si, Kechaikhati etc.(Dutta 1985:49)
^The Tiwas, as well as the Koch, also worshipped Kechai Kati. The Koch general Gohain Kamal built temples dedicated to Kesai Khati in Khaspur for the Dehans who were Tiwa and Mech soldiers from Gobha, Nellie and Kabi.
^"There is at Sadiya a shrine of Kechai Khaiti the tutelar deity of the Kacharis, which the Dimasa rulers continued to worship even after the establishment of their rule in Cachar."(Bhattacharjee 1992:393)
^"All these Bodo tribes had their own respective priests called Deoris"(Dutta 1985:50)
^"The Chutiyas, for example worshipped the Primordial parents Gira-Girasi or Bura Buri, which were later Hinduised as Siva and Sakti"(Dutta 1985:49)
^"(T)he rulers of Sadiya, with help of Vaiṣṇava brahmins, seem to have sought legitimacy by projecting themselves as the descendants of Kṛṣṇa."(Shin 2020:53)
^"the term asura, which is the antonym of deva, is also used to denote inferior forms of custom, including marriage and property, in the hierarchical classification of social practices of prescriptive texts".(Shin 2020:54)
^"Among many works of Śaṅkaradeva, the Rukmiṇiharaṇa, the poem of Rukmimi and Krishna, gained considerable popularity in the Sadiya area and influenced its regional identity construction. Rukmiṇī, in this poem, was a daughter of king Bhīṣmaka"(Shin 2020:55)
^"Considering the wide popularity of the Rukmiṇīharaṇa among the people, especially as the staged performance, it is not surprising that many toponyms of the area were derived from this Vaiṣṇava legend and the legendary places associated with Bhīṣmaka were reproduced in the local landscape. For instance, Vidarbha, the name of the country, once ruled by Bhīṣmaka according to the Epics and Purāṇas and perhaps identical with Behar in Maharashtra, was applied to the area around Sadiya."(Shin 2020:56)
^The Chutias belong to the Bodos, a linguistic group of the Brahmaputra valley, speaking a Tibeto-Burman language and having different cognate groups within them.(Shin 2020, p. 51)
^"Today, there are tens of thousands of people who claim to be Chutiya, but they all speak Assamese because the Chutiya language has disappeared. (Jacquesson & van Breugel 2017:100)
^"The 'Chutiya' were also, if not discovered (the tribe had been located in the 1840s), at least briefly described by W.B. Brown in 1895. It was Brown who had the unfortunate idea of associating the name of the Deori with that of the (Assamese speaking) Chutiya." (Jacquesson & van Breugel 2017:101–102)
^"The extant literature on Deori (Brown 1895; Brandreth 1878; Grierson 1909; Goswami 1994) associates the language of the Deori community with the Chutiyas, "the original language of Upper Assam" (Brown 1895:5). At present, there is no evidence of closeness of the Deori language to the language spoken by the Chutiya community." (Acharyya & Mahanta 2019:516)
^"We suppose that the speculation of relatedness is perhaps because the Deoris belong to the priestly section and performed all religious rituals in the Chutiya Kingdom. However, at present, the Deori community has no connection with the Chutiya community. It has been noted that: 'Deoris are completely different from the Chutiya community, linguistically and ethnically. There is no commonality in the language of the two communities. There is not a single word in Deori vocabulary which matches with the Chutiya language and vice-versa. No semblance of the traditional societal bond has also been traced between these two communities.' (Deori 2002:11)"(Acharyya & Mahanta 2019:517)
^"Similarly, it has also been noted that: The linguistic features of Deori show that this language was shaped in the northeastern parts of Assam close to the Dibang valley, where there is no record of the Chutiyas being settled in that particular area rather they were spread across Upper Assam. (Jacquesson 2008:30) (Acharyya & Mahanta 2019:514)
^"A section of the Barahis still introduces themselves as Barahis-Chutiyas, from which it appears that they were a clan or division of the Chutiyas."(Dutta 1985:26)
^Misra, Tilottoma (22 July 2013). Swarnalata. Zubaan. ISBN9789383074389. Archived from the original on 17 June 2020. Retrieved 17 June 2020 – via Google Books.
Bhattacharjee, J. B. (1992), "The Kachari (Dimasa) state formation", in Barpujari, H. K. (ed.), The Comprehensive History of Assam, vol. 2, Guwahati: Assam Publication Board, pp. 391–397
Buragohain, Romesh (1988). Ahom State Formation in Assam: An Inquiry into the Factors of Polity Formation in Medieval North East India (PhD). North-Eastern Hill University. hdl:10603/61119.
Acharyya, Prarthana; Mahanta, Sakuntala (2019). "Language vitality assessment of Deori: An endangered language". Language Documentation & Conservation. 13: 514–544. hdl:10125/24853.
Gogoi, Jahnavi (2002). Agrarian System of Medieval Assam. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company.
Jacquesson, François (2008). "Discovering Boro-Garo"(PDF). History of an Analytical and Descriptive Linguistic Category. Archived from the original(PDF) on 3 August 2019. Retrieved 23 March 2020.
Jacquesson, François; van Breugel, Seino (3 November 2017). "The linguistic reconstruction of the past: The case of the Boro-Garo languages". Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area. 40 (1): 90–122. doi:10.1075/ltba.40.1.04van.
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Shin, Jae-Eun (2020). "Descending from demons, ascending to kshatriyas: Genealogical claims and political process in pre-modern Northeast India, The Chutiyas and the Dimasas". The Indian Economic and Social History Review. 57 (1): 49–75. doi:10.1177/0019464619894134. S2CID213213265.
Dutta, Sristidhar (1985), The Mataks and their Kingdom, Allahabad: Chugh Publications
Nath, D (2013), "State Formation in the Peripheral Areas: A Study of the Chutiya Kingdom in the Brahmaputra Valley", in Bhattarcharjee, J B; Syiemlieh, David R (eds.), Early States in North East India, Delhi: Regency Publications, pp. 24–49, ISBN978-81-89233-86-0
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