Central ǃKung

Central ǃKung
Central ǃXun
Native toNamibia
RegionGrootfontein
Kxʼa
Dialects
  • Grootfontein ǃXuun
Language codes
ISO 639-3None (mis)
Glottologcent2300
This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA.

Central ǃKung (Central ǃXun), or Central Ju, is a language of the ǃKung dialect cluster, spoken in a small area of northern Namibia: Neitsas, in Grootfontein district, and Gaub, in Tsumeb district. It is frequently identified as Grootfontein ǃXuun, as most research has been done in Grootfontein. An identifying feature of Central ǃKung is a fifth series of clicks that are often retroflex. While Northern (Northwestern) and Southern (Southeastern) ǃKung are not mutually intelligible, it is not yet clear to what extent Central ǃKung is intermediate between them or intelligible with either.

Dialects

Two dialects are identified as being Central ǃKung based on grammatical features:

  • Central ǃKung
    • (C1) Gaub (Tsumeb district, N Namibia)
    • (C2) Neitsas (Grootfontein district, N Namibia)

In addition, the ǃKung dialects of Tsintsabis, Leeunes and Mangetti (different from Mangetti Dune) have retroflex clicks and so may belong here, though no grammatical information is available to classify them.

In Grootfontein ǃKung words which Doke (1926) and others have described as having retroflex clicks, Vedder (1910/1911) described a second series of lateral clicks in Gaub ǃKung. The retroflex clicks have also been reported as having a lateral release.

Phonology

Grootfontein ǃKung is unusual in having true retroflex clicks, which are subapical for some speakers and have lateral release, as in the word for 'water', [ᶢ𝼊𐞷ú] (provisionally written g‼ú). There are thus five places of articulation in Grootfontein clicks, ǀ ǁ ǂ 𝼊 /. These come in eight series, here represented with the retroflex articulation:

Lingual /𝼊 𝼊ʰ ᶢ𝼊 ᵑ𝼊 ᵑ̊𝼊ʰ/, glottalized /ᵑ̊𝼊ˀ/, linguo-pulmonic /𝼊χ/, linguo-glottalic /𝼊͡kxʼ/

Otherwise, the Grootfontein inventory is similar to that of Ekoka ǃKung, except that it lacks the (pre)voiced affricates /dχ, dʒ, dʒʼ, dʃχʼ/.

The Grootfontein ǃKung language has a relatively large phonological inventory:

Consonants

Grootfontein ǃKung consonant inventory[1]
Labial Alveolar Post-
alveolar
Palatal Velar Uvular Glottal
Nasal voiced m n ɲ ŋ
aspirated
Plosive voiceless p t k ʔ
vl. aspirated t̠ʰ
voiced b d ɡ
vd. aspirated ɡʰ
prenasal (ᵐb) (ⁿd) (ᵑɡ)
Fricative ʃ χ ɦ
Affricate voiceless
aspirated tʃʰ
ejective tʃʼ
Approximant w l j
Clusters
Plain + /χ/ tʃχ
Plain + /χʼ/ kχʼ
Grootfontein ǃKung click consonant inventory[1]
Dental Alveolar Retroflex Palatal Lateral
Voiceless ǀ ǃ 𝼊 ǂ ǁ
Vl. aspirated ǀʰ ǃʰ 𝼊ʰ ǂʰ ǁʰ
Voiced ᶢǀ ᶢǃ ᶢ𝼊 ᶢǂ ᶢǁ
Vd. aspirated ᶢǀʰ ᶢǃʰ ᶢ𝼊ʰ ᶢǂʰ ᶢǁʰ
Nasal ᵑǀ ᵑǃ ᵑ𝼊 ᵑǂ ᵑǁ
Nl. aspirated ᵑǀʰ ᵑǃʰ ᵑ𝼊ʰ ᵑǂʰ ᵑǁʰ
Fortis ᵏǃ ᵏǁ
Ejective ǀʼ ǃʼ 𝼊ʼ ǂʼ ǁʼ
Ej. aspirated ǀʼʰ ǃʼʰ 𝼊ʼʰ ǂʼʰ ǁʼʰ
Clusters
Plain + /χ/ ǀχ ǃχ 𝼊χ ǂχ ǁχ
Plain + /χʼ/ ǀχʼ ǃχʼ 𝼊χʼ ǂχʼ ǁχʼ
Voiced + /χʼ/ ᶢǀχʼ ᶢǃχʼ ᶢ𝼊χʼ ᶢǂχʼ ᶢǁχʼ

Vowels

Five vowel sounds in the ǃKung languages are realized as [i e a o u]. The sounds may be articulated with nasalisation ã õ ũ], breathy voice [iʱ uʱ], or pharyngealisation [iˤ uˤ]. Some nasal vowels with diacritics may have combinations such as breathy + nasal [ãʱ õʱ], and pharyngeal + nasal [ãˤ õˤ ũˤ].[1]

Sample

Following are sample sentences in Central ǃKung.[2]

1SG

TOP

kȍhà

MIR

hŋ́

see

gǀȕì

hyena

ō

PURP

ǁȁhìn-ā

tell-TR

ō

PURP

CL1

ō

PURP

gǀè

come

catch.SG

ǀxūúnnu

crocodile

mí má kȍhà hŋ́ gǀȕì ō ǁȁhìn-ā ō hȁ ō gǀè gù ǀxūúnnu

1SG TOP MIR see hyena PURP tell-TR PURP CL1 PURP come catch.SG crocodile

"I must see the hyena to tell it to come catch the crocodile lying there."[3]

mtícē

why

kwá

Q

2SG

ǀōā

NEG

PAST

gǀè-ā

come-TR

g‼ȍhò

work

mtícē kwá bà ǀōā kē gǀè-ā g‼ȍhò

why Q 2SG NEG PAST come-TR work

"Why didn't you come to work?"[4]

CL1

TOP

CE

past

ǁȁn̏

NEG.IMP

HAB.IMP

cŋ̏

drink

djūí

beer

CL4

CL1

ǁàȅ-ā

hold-TR

PAST

TR

TB

tuberculosis

ǁ'à-ān

sick-TR

PAST

hȁ má kò kē ǁȁn̏ kú cŋ̏ djūí kā hȁ ǁàȅ-ā tí kē TB ǁ'à-ān tí

CL1 TOP CE past NEG.IMP HAB.IMP drink beer CL4 CL1 hold-TR PAST TR tuberculosis sick-TR PAST

"He was not supposed to drink beer anymore because he had tuberculosis" [lit. he was held by TB sickness][5]

CL1

TOP

CE

ǁáúlè

hunt

ǃxō

elephant

hȁ má kò ǁáúlè ǃxō

CL1 TOP CE hunt elephant

"He is supposed to hunt elephants but he didn't."[6]

1SG

TOP

PROG?

ǁàȅ

hold

nǃùm̀

rock

CL4

ŋ̄ŋ̀

PR

kā-è

CL4-REL

cālā

NONFIRSTH.EV

n‼á'm̀

hit

g‼à

lie.down.PL

è-tcā

1PL.EX-DU

mí má kā ǁàȅ nǃùm̀ kā ŋ̄ŋ̀ kā-è cālā n‼á'm̀ g‼à è-tcā

1SG TOP PROG? hold rock CL4 PR CL4-REL NONFIRSTH.EV hit lie.down.PL 1PL.EX-DU

"I hold this rock so that it cannot fall down and kill us."[7]

References

  1. ^ a b c Scott, Abigail; Miller, Amanda; Namaseb, Levi; Sands, Bonny; Shah, Sheena (June 2, 2010). "Retroflex Clicks in Two Dialects of ǃXung". University of Botswana, Department of African Languages.
  2. ^ König, Christa (2013). "Source of information and unexpected information in !Xun—evidential, mirative and counterexpectation markers". In Aikhenvald, Alexandra; Storch, Anne (eds.). Perception and Cognition in Language and Culture. pp. 69–94. doi:10.1163/9789004210127_004. ISBN 978-90-04-21012-7.
  3. ^ König 2013, p. 86.
  4. ^ König 2013, p. 91.
  5. ^ König 2013, p. 90.
  6. ^ König 2013, p. 89.
  7. ^ König 2013, p. 83.

Further reading

  • Miller, Amanda (2011). "The Representation of Clicks". In Van Oostendorp, Marc; Ewen, Colin J.; Hume, Elizabeth; Rice, Keren (eds.). The Blackwell Companion to Phonology. Vol. I: General Issues and Segmental Phonology. pp. 1–24. doi:10.1002/9781444335262.wbctp0018. ISBN 978-1-4051-8423-6.
  • Miller, Sands, et al., 2010. "Retroflex Clicks in Two Dialects of ǃXung" (Grootfontein and Ekoka)[full citation needed]
  • Amanda Miller, 2009. "Contrastive Coronal Click Types in ǃXung" (Grootfontein)[full citation needed]