Central ǃKung (Central ǃXun), or Central Ju, is a language of the ǃKung dialect cluster, spoken in a small area of northern Namibia: Neitsas, in Grootfontein district, and Gaub, in Tsumeb district. It is frequently identified as Grootfontein ǃXuun, as most research has been done in Grootfontein. An identifying feature of Central ǃKung is a fifth series of clicks that are often retroflex. While Northern (Northwestern) and Southern (Southeastern) ǃKung are not mutually intelligible, it is not yet clear to what extent Central ǃKung is intermediate between them or intelligible with either.
Dialects
Two dialects are identified as being Central ǃKung based on grammatical features:
Central ǃKung
(C1) Gaub (Tsumeb district, N Namibia)
(C2) Neitsas (Grootfontein district, N Namibia)
In addition, the ǃKung dialects of Tsintsabis, Leeunes and Mangetti (different from Mangetti Dune) have retroflex clicks and so may belong here, though no grammatical information is available to classify them.
In Grootfontein ǃKung words which Doke (1926) and others have described as having retroflex clicks, Vedder (1910/1911) described a second series of lateral clicks in Gaub ǃKung. The retroflex clicks have also been reported as having a lateral release.
Phonology
Grootfontein ǃKung is unusual in having true retroflex clicks, which are subapical for some speakers and have lateral release, as in the word for 'water', [ᶢ𝼊𐞷ú] (provisionally written g‼ú). There are thus five places of articulation in Grootfontein clicks, /ǃǀǁǂ𝼊 /. These come in eight series, here represented with the retroflex articulation:
Five vowel sounds in the ǃKung languages are realized as [ieaou]. The sounds may be articulated with nasalisation [ĩẽãõũ], breathy voice [iʱeʱaʱoʱuʱ], or pharyngealisation [iˤeˤaˤoˤuˤ]. Some nasal vowels with diacritics may have combinations such as breathy + nasal [ãʱõʱ], and pharyngeal + nasal [ãˤõˤũˤ].[1]
Sample
Following are sample sentences in Central ǃKung.[2]
hȁ má kò kē ǁȁn̏ kú cŋ̏ djūí kā hȁ ǁàȅ-ā tí kē TB ǁ'à-ān tí
CL1 TOP CE past NEG.IMP HAB.IMP drink beer CL4 CL1 hold-TR PAST TR tuberculosis sick-TR PAST
"He was not supposed to drink beer anymore because he had tuberculosis" [lit. he was held by TB sickness][5]
hȁ
CL1
má
TOP
kò
CE
ǁáúlè
hunt
ǃxō
elephant
hȁ má kò ǁáúlè ǃxō
CL1 TOP CE hunt elephant
"He is supposed to hunt elephants but he didn't."[6]
mí
1SG
má
TOP
kā
PROG?
ǁàȅ
hold
nǃùm̀
rock
kā
CL4
ŋ̄ŋ̀
PR
kā-è
CL4-REL
cālā
NONFIRSTH.EV
n‼á'm̀
hit
g‼à
lie.down.PL
è-tcā
1PL.EX-DU
mí má kā ǁàȅ nǃùm̀ kā ŋ̄ŋ̀ kā-è cālā n‼á'm̀ g‼à è-tcā
1SG TOP PROG? hold rock CL4 PR CL4-REL NONFIRSTH.EV hit lie.down.PL 1PL.EX-DU
"I hold this rock so that it cannot fall down and kill us."[7]
References
^ abcScott, Abigail; Miller, Amanda; Namaseb, Levi; Sands, Bonny; Shah, Sheena (June 2, 2010). "Retroflex Clicks in Two Dialects of ǃXung". University of Botswana, Department of African Languages.
^König, Christa (2013). "Source of information and unexpected information in !Xun—evidential, mirative and counterexpectation markers". In Aikhenvald, Alexandra; Storch, Anne (eds.). Perception and Cognition in Language and Culture. pp. 69–94. doi:10.1163/9789004210127_004. ISBN978-90-04-21012-7.
Miller, Amanda (2011). "The Representation of Clicks". In Van Oostendorp, Marc; Ewen, Colin J.; Hume, Elizabeth; Rice, Keren (eds.). The Blackwell Companion to Phonology. Vol. I: General Issues and Segmental Phonology. pp. 1–24. doi:10.1002/9781444335262.wbctp0018. ISBN978-1-4051-8423-6.
Miller, Sands, et al., 2010. "Retroflex Clicks in Two Dialects of ǃXung" (Grootfontein and Ekoka)[full citation needed]