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Pinochetism
Doctrine Anti-communism Authoritarianism Chicago school of economics Conservatism Right-wing extremism Laissez-faire Militarism Personalismo
History 1973 Chilean coup d'état Junta Militar de Gobierno Chilean state terrorism Death flights Plan Cóndor Beagle conflict Chilean Constitution of 1980 Chicago Boys El ladrillo Crisis of 1982 Miracle of Chile Operation 20th Century Chilean transition to democracy
People Augusto Pinochet Bardón Bascuñán Büchi Cáceres Castro Chadwick Contreras Corbalán Cristi Cuadra Flores Jarpa Kaiser Kast Krassnoff Lavín Longueira Lüders Messone Moreira Naveillán Pérez Piñera Urrutia
Organizations Dirección de Inteligencia Nacional Government Junta National Information Center
Movements and parties Independent Democratic Union National Advance National Force National Renewal National Union Movement
Related topics Book burnings in Chile Fifth Brazilian Republic Gremialism I Love Pinochet Military dictatorship in Venezuela National Reorganization Process Stronism Uruguayan Dictatorship
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Pinochetism (Spanish: Pinochetismo) is an authoritarian and personalistic political ideology rooted in the military dictatorship led in Chile between 1973 and 1990 by Augusto Pinochet. Ranging from the right-wing^[1] to the far-right,^[2] Pinochetism is characterised by its anti-communism,^[3] conservatism,^[4] militarism,^[5] and nationalism.^[6] Under Pinochet, Chile's economy was placed under the control of a group of Chilean economists known collectively as the Chicago Boys, whose policies have been described by some as neoliberal.^[7] Former and current supporters of the dictatorship are known as pinochetistas.

Upon assuming power, the dictatorship's first measure was to ban left-wing political parties and (forcibly) limit the political activity of their members. It also ordered the indefinite suspension of other political parties; however, many members of right-wing parties (and a few Christian Democrats and Radicals) actively collaborated with Pinochet's regime (but were unable to demonstrate their thoughts openly).^{[citation needed]} Lucía Hiriart, who served as First Lady of Chile as Pinochet's wife, brought together Pinochetist women through CEMA Chile, an institution she directed from 1973 to 2016. CEMA Chile had more than 500,000 members and was granted a large budget to use for its operations.^[8] The far-right Spanish politician Blas Piñar supported the Chilean dictatorship and declared himself an admirer of Pinochet's work, meeting him on several occasions in Chile and Spain.^[9][10] During the 70s, all party political activity was prohibited. It was not until 1980, after the promulgation of the new constitution, that the organization of political groups was allowed.^{[citation needed]}

Between 1980 and 1987, various support groups for the dictatorship emerged, such as the National Action Movement, the National Labour Front, the National Unity Youth Front,^[11] the National Union Movement,^[12] and the Independent Democratic Union.^[13] The fascist and ultranationalist^[14] National Advance was a party that focused its positions on the figure of Pinochet; many of its members were also members of the National Information Center, which is why this party obtained very low votes in the 1989 elections, disappearing when the legal minimum failed to be obtained.^[15] The dictatorship also enjoyed support from other fascist groups such as the Movimiento Revolucionario Nacional Sindicalista and others that left power (after a power struggle within the liberal-conservative right), mainly after criticising the neoliberal leadership that the regime acquired.^[16]

This power struggle was won by liberal-conservative political factions like the National Renewal and the Independent Democratic Union, which, due to their social origins, had a large and important network of contacts. In addition, the military authorities, in a show of pragmatism, trusted neoliberal political currents more than nationalist ones because they believed they could legitimise Chile's reputation abroad by reforming its economy, as the regime was politically isolated; there was even a time of ostracism in which the Andean country was integrated into the so-called " Santiago-Brasília-Jerusalem-Pretoria triangle", which comprised pariah states, such as apartheid-era South Africa or Israel.^[17]

In 1987, a new law concerning political parties was promulgated, according to which political parties could begin to formally operate, with the exception of the Communist Party and any organization following similar ideologies (a proscription justified by Article 8 of Chile's constitution).^{[citation needed]} In that same year, the Great Front of Chile was formed, which brought together other organizations that supported Pinochet, such as the Acción Gremialista, the Civic Action Committees, and the Pinochetist Independent Movement.^[15] The latter was founded on April 19, 1987, by Abraham Abrilot, and defined as nationalist and exclusively supporting the figure of Pinochet.^[18] Its symbol consisted of a pedestal that contained the map of Chile horizontally, and on it the national coat of arms.^[19] It defined itself not as a political collectivity, but as "an independent and apolitical body" that aspired to "unite the great mass of Chileans" unaffiliated with any ideology.^[20]

Later, the Pinochetist Independent Movement canvassed in support of Pinochet in front of his headquarters—which led to it being fined by the Municipality of Santiago, and to protests led by anti-Pinochet parties and political groups.^[21][22] At the end of March 1988, the leadership of the movement headed by Abrilot was dismissed, which was accused of "lack of capacity to exercise the position of president and arbitrariness in decision-making", after which the presidency was assumed by Ricardo Valenzuela. In the run-up to the plebiscite on October 5, 1988, they called for a "Yes" vote, having previously indicated that it would call for a "No" vote in the event that the nominated candidate was not Pinochet.^[18] After the victory of the "No" option, the Pinochetist parties would decline.

In 1998, after Pinochet's arrest in London, UDI senator Iván Moreira went on a hunger strike for five days, seeking his release. In 2013, he publicly regretted his actions and described them as "pathetic".^[23] In 2001, Chilean director Marcela Said released her documentary I Love Pinochet, which included Pinochet's supporters after his arrest in London. Public figures such as Raul Hasbún, Fernando Barros, Cristián Labbé,^[24] Patricia Maldonado, Francisco Javier Cuadra,^[25] Joaquín Lavín, Hermógenes Pérez de Arce^[26] appear in the film, as well as anonymous Pinochetists from different social classes.^[24] Starting in 2004, part of the Chilean democratic right-wing gradually distanced itself from the figure of Pinochet, "when it was discovered that he had multimillion-dollar bank accounts abroad", which dismantled his austere image.^[27]

In July 2007, Gonzalo Townsend Pinochet, the nephew of the late Augusto Pinochet, announced through Internet media the creation of a political party that would be born from the Unitary Pinochetist Action movement, which brought together Pinochet supporters and was led by Townsend. This party would have been called the "National Liberation Party", because Townsend was not legally allowed to use his uncle's last name. Finally, the political community failed to register in the electoral registers.^[28] In September of that same year, the intention on the part of retired soldiers to form a new Pinochetist political party came to light, which would be called the Metropolitan Military Party, because it was focused on the Santiago Metropolitan Region.^[29]

In 2014, Augusto Pinochet Molina, using his grandfather Augusto Pinochet as a reference, founded and led a liberal right-wing movement with Pinochetist influences. In mid-April 2015, he registered it as a political party in formation under the name of Partido Orden Republicano Mi Patria, although the press would know it as Por mi Patria.^[30] The 38th Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro openly declares himself an admirer of Pinochet and radical right-wing groups in the United States claim and defend his legacy on T-shirts.^[31] During a UN meeting, former president of Chile Michelle Bachelet spoke about Brazilian "police violence", to which Bolsonaro responded by saying "Mrs. Michelle Bachelet: if it were not for the staff of (Augusto) Pinochet, who defeated the left in 1973, including your father, today Chile would be a Cuba".^[32]

In the midst of a wave of right-wing politics, in 2018, Pinochetism re-emerged as a trend. This tendency is embodied by the conservative politician José Antonio Kast and his Republican Party.^[27] Founded in 2019, the Republican Party is considered the main political group following "organic Pinochetism" today; it is consequently considered part of the new far-right in Chile, with the party receiving increasing support, as centre-left and centre-right parties began to reach a point of political convergence in the area, and as a result of increased (perceived) collusion in corruption scandals.^[33][34]

The party's ideological doctrine is similar to the previously existing Gremialismo.^[33][34] Kast, the founder of the party, had left the Independent Democratic Union in protest of what he considered the UDI's over-frequent criticism of Pinochet.^[33] Another Pinochetist movement was National Force, also founded in 2019; its members include a lawyer known for defending military soldiers convicted of human rights violations during the dictatorship.^[35] The Depute, Johannes Kaiser (Chilean politician), was previously a member of the Republican Party and has been explicit in his support for the Pinochet Regime.^[36] as well as other persons related to that period as Miguel Krassnoff.^[37] The RN militant, affiliated to Republican Action, Camila Flores has openly recognized herself as a Pinochetist.^[38] The same is the case with deputy Ignacio Urrutia, a member of the RN (1987-1997), UDI (2001-2018) and the Republican Party (since 2019).^[39]

After the rise of the far-right in Chile in 2023,^[40] the constitutional counselor and delegate of the Republican bench, Luis Silva Irarrázaval, acknowledged his admiration for the figure of Augusto Pinochet, stating "There is a hint of admiration for the fact that he was a statesman [...] he was a man who knew how to lead the State, who knew how to rebuild a State that was in tatters [...] 50 years after 73, his government should be read with a little more consideration and not simplify it. ...] he was a man who knew how to lead the State, who knew how to rebuild a State that was in tatters [...] 50 years after 73, a more considered reading of his government should be made and not simplify, with all its gravity, those 17 years to human rights violations", although he refuses to declare himself a Pinochetists.^[41][42] In the same period, according to the CERC-MORI survey of May 2023, 36% of Chileans "believe that the military was right to carry out the coup d'état in 1973", up from 18% in 2013.^{[43][44][45][46][47]}

• Negationism of the military dictatorship of Chile
• Acto de Chacarillas
• Fujimorism
• Gremialismo
• Political positions of Jair Bolsonaro
• New Order (Indonesia)
• New Right (South Korea)
• Political positions of Ronald Reagan
• Thatcherism
• Porfirionism

• Valdes, Juan Gabriel (17 August 1995). Pinochet's Economists: The Chicago School of Economics in Chile. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-45146-8. Retrieved 15 January 2023.