The Levant has long had settled agriculture, being a part of the Fertile Crescent. Crop domestication is said to have arisen in the Southern Levant around 11,000 BCE.[1] Under the Ottoman Empire, Palestine operated under the musha’ system, which relied on a clan structure to rotate plots based on soil fertility and other natural factors to ensure an equivalency based on quality of the earth.[2][3] After the Land Code of 1858, communal rights continued to be enabled by the existence of miri land, which allowed the release of land from the Ottoman government to be formally owned by a clan's sheik and worked by fellahin.[3]
The climate of the Levant is varied and includes the marshes and scrublands of Mediterranean zones (dry, hot summers with short, rainy winters), the Steppes, the desert, consisting of the Negev and Judean Desert, and lastly tropicalmicroclimates inside the Judean Desert. Most of the endemic flora in these areas of the Levant, aside from crops like cereals, olives and citrus, are in the form of forests, Lotus and herbaceous vegetation, and shrubs.[4] Around 47.6% of the land is arable.[5] By 1945, 30% of land was cultivated by around 60% of the rural, non-nomadic Palestinian population.[6]
First usage
The first usage of the term is traced back to 1969, when former Israeli Prime Minister Levi Eshkol said in a speech: “What are the Palestinians? When I came here there were 250,000 non-Jews, mainly Arabs and Bedouins. It was desert. More than underdeveloped. Nothing. It was only after we made the desert bloom that they became interested in taking it from us.”[7]
The land was described by many early Zionists and foreign visitors to the area as desolate. In 1902, Theodor Herzl portrayed the landscape in his novel Altneuland, which was modeled after his trip to Palestine in 1898:
The landscape through which they passed was a picture of desolation. The low-lands were mostly sand and swamp, the lean fields looked as if burnt over. The inhabitants of the blackish Arab villages looked like brigands. Naked children played in the dirty alleys. Over the distant horizon loomed the deforested hills of Judea. The bare slopes and the bleak, rocky valleys showed some traces of present or former cultivation.
We traversed some miles of desolate country whose soil is rich enough, but is given over wholly to weeds—a silent, mournful expanse, wherein we saw only three persons—Arabs ...
The further we went the hotter the sun got, and the more rocky and bare, repulsive and dreary the landscape became. There could not have been more fragments of stone strewn broadcast over this part of the world ... There was hardly a tree or a shrub any where. Even the olive and the cactus, those fast friends of a worthless soil, had almost deserted the country. No landscape exists that is more tiresome to the eye than that which bounds the approaches to Jerusalem.
However, descriptions of the coast differ, such as Sir Fredrick Treves' recounting of the various gardens and forests of Jaffa: "the town, except where it fronts the sea, is hemmed around by orange gardens, and the green of the orange tree never falters or grows dim." He also notes the hedges of prickly pear and groves of sycamore, locust, oleander, cedar, and olive that adorn the streets, and how in spring, the path to Jerusalem is filled with flowers.[8]
Ahad Ha'am, in an article called Truth from Eretz Israel, similarly spoke of cultivation and vegetation within Palestine:
From abroad, we are accustomed to believe that Eretz Israel is presently almost totally desolate, a uncultivated desert, and that anyone wishing to buy land there can come and buy all he wants. But in truth that is not so. In the entire land, it is hard to find tillable land that is not already tilled [...] Not the peasants alone, but the owners of large properties as well, do not easily part with good land that has no drawbacks. Many of our people who came to buy land have been in Eretz Israel for months, and have toured its length and width, without finding what they seek.
In this piece, he also repudiated the common claim that those living there, cultivating the land, did so mindlessly: "From abroad we are accustomed to believing that the Arabs are all desert savages, like donkeys, who neither see nor understand what goes on around them. But this is a big mistake. The Arab, like all children of Shem, has a sharp intellect and is very cunning."[9]
Halutz and Jewish labor
The ideological basis for this phrase is rooted in the concept of the halutz. Early Zionism, as the negation of the diaspora, held the stance that Jews living in Eastern Europe had become weakened, culturally inferior, and rootless due their unsettled position between assimilation and anti-antisemitism and thus, required the creation of nation for Jews.[10][11] In an attempt to reverse this "rootless cosmopolitan" state, the halutz, or the pioneering Jewish laborer who works the land, was born as a means to foster the "muscular Jew."[12][13] It was believed that principally Jewish labor could transform the land and that principally agricultural labor could transform the Jewish people.[13]
In practice
Afforestation
The key actor in the afforestation of the region was the Jewish National Fund (JNF). Since 1901, they have planted over 250 million trees, developed 250,000 acres of land, and established over 1,000 parks.[14] The JNF purposefully chose Aleppo pine, as well as cypress and eucalyptus, as a tree that would work reasonably well with the climate and be familiar for the European Jewish population, thereby "beautifying" the land.[15][16][17] By 1960, 85% of all trees planted by the JNF were coniferous.[18] Later on, realizing they needed to diversify the forests, the JNF invested in other coniferous species, like Turkish pine and Stone pine, as well as deciduous and other species, like carobs, acacia, tamarisk, and palms.[15] As of 2008, 44% of the trees in Israel are pine, and endemic plants make up only 11% of forests.[18][16]
The concept of Halutzim manifested in the form of kibbutzim and the kibbutz system became a means of connecting the new Jewish population who had come in the second and third aliyah to the land.[19] The first kibbutz was established in 1910.[20] By the time World War II broke out, there were 79 kibbutzim, consisting of 24,105 people and in 1950, the number had almost tripled with around 65,000 kibbutznikim.[21] The kibbutz movement peaked in 1989, with a population of around 129,000.[22] A large portion of kibbutznikim were young students.[13]
The kibbutzim also became a way for the expansion of settlements. Early on, Mizrahi Jews were often placed at the peripheral of Zionist settlements, sometimes leading to conflict caused by coerced placement there.[23] It also saw the inclusion of women in quasi-manual labor jobs such as in tree nurseries, which also were often placed at the peripheries, pushing for expansion.[12]
Innovations in water technologies began before the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948, beginning with the creation of the company Mekorot in 1937.[24] In the following decades after its creation, Mekorot would develop numerous project in water technology, including cloud seeding and the construction of pipelines and wastewater treatment plants.[25][26] By the '50s, water as a resource was nationalized and entrusted to the state.[27] Since the 2000s, Israel has begun to invest in desalination projects, which makes up around 60-80% of Israel's drinking water.[26] It has also become a major proponent of drip irrigation, making major strides in the technology in the '60s.[27]
With the ongoing water crisis in the area, Israel sells millions of cubic meters of water and billions of dollars worth of agricultural products annually to its neighbors Jordan and Palestine.[28][29] Claims over water sources has played a major role in numerous conflicts between Israel and its neighbor states, including the War over Water, the Six-Day War (and the following occupation of the Golan Heights), and a few other more minor conflicts.[30]
Criticism
The phrase "making the desert bloom" and well as the implementation of various Israeli afforestation and agricultural/water technology projects have been critiqued by various organizations.
The term has been criticized by anti-Zionists[who?] as playing into the Orientalist idea that Arab and Western Asian countries are uncivilized until Western interference.[31] Up until the 1990s, many Zionists[who?] held the opinion that there was degradation of the land that was due to the backwardness of Palestinians.[12][32] Some, such as UC Davis professor of history Diana K. Davis and Palestinian climate activist Manal Shqair, have argued that the idea of "making the desert bloom" devalues land that is minimally productive.[33][34]
Since 1967, Israel has had complete control over water resources and infrastructure in the occupied Palestinian territories (OPT), making Palestinians unable to construct or alter existing infrastructure without a permit.[48] It has been known to construct water networks for Israelis in the OPT, thereby diverting water from Palestinian towns into Israel proper and into illegal settlements.[49][50] Israel's water policies have been criticized by various organizations, such as Amnesty International,[51]B’Tselem,[52]Human Rights Watch,[53]UNICEF,[54] and others. Manal Shqair has also critiqued Israel for depleting Jordanian water sources and subsequently selling the water back to the country.[28] Israel has also been criticized for the poisoning of Palestinian water sources, particularly during the Arab-Israeli War of 1948, which is a form of biological warfare.[55] In recent years, there has also been documentation of Israeli authorities poisoning Palestinian water sources in the West Bank.[56][57] With the onset of the Israel-Hamas War in Gaza, Israel has reduced water access by 94%, limited the frequency of aid trucks, and damaged around 70% of existing water infrastructure.[58][59] These actions have been critiqued by Oxfam,[60] the WHO,[61]UNICEF,[61] the World Food Programme, and others.[61]
^Kark, Ruth & Grossman, David & Grossman, Kark. (2003). The communal (musha') village of the Middle East and North Africa Introduction -Definitions and Concepts. 223-236.
^ abKushner, David; Kushner, David S., eds. (1986). Palestine in the late Ottoman period: political, social and economic transformation. Jerusalem: Yad Izhad Ben-Zvi [u.a.] ISBN978-90-04-07792-8.
^Schweid, Eliezer; Hadary, Amnon; Levin, Leonard (2008). The idea of modern Jewish culture. Reference library of Jewish intellectual history. Boston (Mass.): Academic studies press. ISBN978-1-934843-05-5.
^Peres, Shimʿon (2017). No room for small dreams: courage, imagination, and the making of modern Israel. New York: Custom House. ISBN978-0-06-256145-9.
^Kemp, Adriana (2002). "State Power and Everyday Resistance in the Israeli Frontier". Mizrahim in Israel: A Critical Observation into Israel's Ethnicity (in Hebrew). Van Leer Jerusalem Institute, Hakibbutz Hameuchad.
^Wolf, Aaron (1999). ""Water Wars" and Water Reality: Conflict and Cooperation Along International Waterways". In Longeran, S. C. (ed.). Environmental Change, Adaptation, and Security (Vol. 65 ed.). NATO ASI Series. pp. 251–265. ISBN978-94-010-5832-2.