For a year in the 2000s, Rossi defended the Dutch bank Abn Amro.[11][12] In 2003, he defended Cesare Geronzi, the president of Capitalia, who was involved in the Cirio and Parmalat scandals.[13] In 2006, he was appointed extraordinary commissioner of the Italian Football Federation (FIGC) to manage the emergency situation created after the Calciopoli scandal.[3] On 15 September 2006, following the resignation of Marco Tronchetti Provera,[14] he was reappointed president of Telecom Italia,[3] and told a parliamentary committee in Rome that the company would cut its debt to €38 billion by the end of the year from €41.3 billion in June.[15] He held this position until 6 April 2007.[16][17][18] In 2008, in an attempt to relaunch the company in crisis of sales,[19] he became a consultant for Fiat.[20][21]
Rossi was editor-in-chief of the magazines Rivista delle Società and Banca, Borsa e Titoli di Credito,[22] as well as a columnist for il manifesto and Il Sole 24 Ore.[23] On 4 May 2011, he was appointed ethical guarantor of Consob, a position from which he resigned on 26 October 2012.[24] In 2013, he described Bitcoin as "a risky instrument", and compared it to derivatives, and said it "can overturn the rules of capitalism."[25] Rossi died in Milan on 21 August 2017, aged 86.[26] He is survived by his wife Francesca and their daughters Sara and Livia, as well as a daughter from his previous marriage, Alessandra. As an atheist and in line with his personal views, no funeral was held.[5] In 2018, his name was inscribed in the Famedio inside the Monumental Cemetery of Milan.[27][28][29]
FIGC commissioner and Calciopoli
As the FIGC's extraordinary commissioner in the aftermath of the 2006 Italian football scandal,[30][31] amid calls to have Marcello Lippi, the then Italy national football team, replaced by the likes of Carlo Ancelotti, Claudio Gentile, and Dino Zoff, Rossi was given the final decision.[32] From the beginning, he wanted to avoid any change, and he ultimately decided to keep Lippi;[33] he said that he had full trust in Lippi.[34] After leading Italy to win the 2006 FIFA World Cup, the team's first World Cup since 1982, despite Rossi's attempts to convince him to stay, saying that "he should remain by popular acclamation because he is the right coach for this national team",[35] Lippi decided to leave, citing insults to himself and his son.[36]
Rossi's stint as the FIGC's extraordinary commissioner during the Calciopoli scandal,[37] as well as his role in the scandal's investigation,[nb 2] and the 26 July 2006 decision to award third-placed Inter Milan the 2005–06 Serie A title after penalties for the other clubs,[40][nb 3] were controversial.[nb 4] Rossi was an avowed supporter of Inter Milan,[63] an association football club of which he served as a member of the board of directors from 1995 to 1999.[64] He was accused of partiality and conflict of interest,[65] charges that Rossi denied.[66][67] In an interview with the Corriere della Sera, former FIGC president Franco Carraro said that Rossi, with regard to the assignment of the title, had been badly advised by the experts, the Three Sages (Gerhard Aigner, Massimo Coccia, and Roberto Pardolesi), he appointed. Aigner denied this, saying that his task and that of the other two experts was to verify whether the statutes and regulations of UEFA, FIGC, and Lega Calcio allowed for the possibility of creating a different standings after the penalty of some clubs. According to Aigner, the rules granted this possibility and the task of experts was limited to confirming it to Rossi who, once he had acquired the legal opinion, autonomously decreed the assignment of the scudetto.[68][nb 5]
Books
Rossi, Guido (1956). Il fallimento nel diritto americano (in Italian). Padoa: CEDAM. ISBN88-13-10663-7.
Rossi, Guido (1957). Utili di bilancio, riserve e dividendo (in Italian). Milan: Giuffrè Editore.
Rossi, Guido (1962). L'avallo come garanzia cambiaria tipica (in Italian). Milan: Giuffrè Editore.
Rossi, Guido (1967). Persona giuridica, proprietà e rischio d'impresa (in Italian). Milan: Giuffrè Editore.
Rossi, Guido (1982). Trasparenze e vergogna. Le società e la borsa (in Italian). Milan: Il Saggiatore.
Rossi, Guido (1986). La scalata del mercato: la borsa e i valori mobiliari (in Italian). Bologna: Il Mulino. ISBN88-15-01123-4.
Rossi, Guido (2000). Il ratto del Sabine (in Italian). Milan: Adelphi Edizioni. ISBN88-459-1559-X.
Rossi, Guido (2003). Il conflitto epidemico (in Italian). Milan: Adelphi Edizioni. ISBN88-459-1791-6.
^Rossi appointed Francesco Saverio Borrelli at the head of the investigation. Judge Corrado De Biase, 1980 Totonero chief investigator commented on the sentence of Borrelli, who spoke of a structured illicit, which was not part of the Code of Sports Justice, as a crime committed by Luciano Moggi and his associates. He said: "We're talking about a structured illicit. But what is it? It doesn't exist. They want to make it clear that there's something different, anomalous. But structured illicit, not at all. There's no sporting illicit. We can't talk about things that don't exist in the sports judicial system. I still haven't seen any proof of sporting illicit. Until now, what I see is the violation of Article 1 of the Sports Justice Code, which requires members to behave according to the principles of loyalty, correctness, and probity. But of what we have read to date, it doesn't prove to me that there was an attempt to alter a match."[38] About Borrelli's role, journalist Giorgio Bocca stated: "The appointment of Borrelli to direct the investigation into the great football scandal is the litmus test, the chemical reagent, the proof of truth, the fall of lies, the naked king of the Berlusconi people who 'don't give up', who don't tolerate returns to justice, who conceive democracy only as an alliance of the strongest and richest clans."[39]
^Several observers said that even though Rossi justified the decision due to UEFA needing which clubs would take part to its European competitions, UEFA only needed a final standing to known the seven clubs that would take part to its competitions,[41] and there was no need to crown a champion.[42][43] The decision itself was even more controversial because the 2005–06 title was assigned ad personam by Rossi, and not by the FIGC or Lega Calcio, on the basis of a joint decision of the Three Sages; one of them abstained and the other voted against the re-assignation to another team, while former UEFA general secretary Gerhard Aigner voted in favour.[44] In 2010, Aigner said that Juventus and Milan were the main culprits, while referees and Inter Milan and the other clubs were the victims.[45] Roberto Pardolesi, one of the three members of the commission chaired by Aigner, who with a legal opinion gave the green light to the reassignment of the 2006 title after the revocation from Juventus due to the Calciopoli events, stated: "If there are new elements, obviously the procedure would have to be re-instructed."[46] The Calciopoli bis developments, as well as the Calciopoli trials in Naples, revealed the involvement of many other clubs and executives who were not punished in 2006. In 2011, the FIGC's public prosecutor Stefano Palazzi charged Inter Milan, Livorno, and Milan of direct Article 6 violations, the ones about sporting illicits; Juventus, which were acquitted by ordinary justice,[47] were controversially relegated to Serie B, without a direct Article 6 violation, through a sum of Article 1 violations,[48] because they were alleged to have exclusive relations with referee designators,[49] a charge that was discredited when thousands of wiretaps not relied for the controversial 2006 sporting trial became public.[50][51][52] As the statute of limitations time-barred Palazzi's charges, none of those clubs including Inter Milan were put on trial.[53]
^In an interview to L'Unione Sarda regarding Rossi's decision, Carlo Porceddu, the FIGC's prosecutor from 1998 to 2001 and vice-president of the Federal Court of Appeal, stated: "Revoking the 2005/2006 scudetto from Juventus and assigning to Inter Milan was a serious mistake. The Calciopoli investigation should have been more thorough, so much so that we, as the Federal Court, had limited the penalty to Juventus not withdrawing the championship title due to insufficient evidence. In fact, that aspect had been neglected. Then, the special commissioner of the [Italian Football] Federation of that period had appointed a group of his friends, one of whom was also on the board of directors of Inter Milan, and that title was revoked from Juventus and given to Inter Milan. That was a grave error in my view."[54] Purceddu also said how several aspects of the investigation needed to be clarified.[55][56][57] In later years, Franco Carraro recalled how "a month later [after the decision] Rossi goes to be president of Telecom for the second time, whose largest shareholder is Marco Tronchetti Provera, vice-president of Inter Milan."[58] Piero Sandulli, president of the FIGC's National Court of Appeal, was against giving the scudetto to Inter Milan,[59] and stated to have been criticized at that time for it;[43] in later years, Sandulli reiterated that the title should not have been assigned to Inter Milan.[60] The decision was further condemned because of Inter Milan's involvement, among other clubs not originally implicated, which could not be put on trial due to the statute of limitations.[61] This caused a dispute between the FIGC, Inter Milan, and Juventus.[62]
^Although it was deemed likely or certain that the FIGC would revoke Inter Milan's scudetto,[69] and despite Juventus' appeals to have it revoked even without giving it back to Juventus,[70] it did not happen; the FIGC's Federal Council voted to declare itself not competent.[71]
^"Feruzzi Head Steps Down". The New York Times. 21 February 1995. p. 4 at Section D. Retrieved 3 February 2023.
^"Italy aide quits over dispute on Telecom". The International Herald Tribune. 18 September 2006. Retrieved 3 February 2023. Telecom Italia's new chairman, Guido Rossi, said Sunday that the group was strong and 'an example of modern capitalism.' But Rossi was quoted by La Repubblica as saying he had to extract the group from 'the risk of renationalization.'
^"Senza di te". Il Post (in Italian). 29 December 2017. Retrieved 3 February 2023.
^Sylvers, Eric (4 April 2007). "Investor seeks to drive out Telecom Italia chairman". The New York Times. Retrieved 3 February 2023. Olimpia, the holding company that owns 18 percent of Telecom Italia, omitted the company's chairman, Guido Rossi, from a list of proposed new board members that was made public Wednesday. Telecom Italia shareholders will elect a new board, which will then choose the chairman from among its members, at a meeting [on 15 or 16 April] ... Rossi has served as the top Italian stock market regulator, and his reputation for being impartial during corporate battles helped put him above the fray that has surrounded Telecom Italia for most of the past year.
^Sylvers, Eric (6 April 2007). "Telecom Italia chairman resigns in dispute". The New York Times. Retrieved 3 February 2023. Rossi said during an interview with the daily la Repubblica on Friday that Tronchetti Provera had decided to fired [sic] him because Rossi had not defended the interests of the phone company's controlling shareholder and had become 'dangerous.'
^Sylvers, Eric (8 April 2007). "Telecom Italia becomes national drama". The New York Times. Retrieved 3 February 2023. Tronchetti Provera ousted Guido Rossi, considered by many in Milan financial circles to be one of the country's top turnaround gurus for troubled companies, last week because of differences on strategy. ... Tronchetti Provera, who was chairman of Telecom Italia until September, had said he was willing to consider offers for TIM Brasil, but the potential sale was immediately shelved when Rossi succeeded him. Rossi and others criticized the move because TIM Brasil is the only part of Telecom Italia's business that is growing and continues to have room to expand.
^Cambiaghi, Emilio; Dent, Arthur (2007). Il processo illecito(PDF) (1st ed.). Stampa Indipendente. pp. 48–49. Retrieved 3 February 2023 – via Ju29ro, 15 April 2010. 'First of all, we must have the courage to affirm a reality: this summer's procedure gave birth to an authentic legal abort. When I speak of 'legal abort' I take full responsibility for what I say. When you want to complete a procedure in two weeks that would take at least 6 months just for a correct investigative process, it can only result in a legal abort. When, for reasons of time, a degree of judgment is received, when the defendants are prevented from bringing witnesses, dossiers and films in their defence, but only 15 minutes are allowed for a defence, one can only speak of legal abort. When the defence lawyers of the accused are not granted the full texts of the wiretaps, alleging that they are not pertinent, we can only speak of legal abort. Finally, when a title is disassigned to a club, Juventus, to assign it to another, Inter Milan, before the verdict of the first preliminary iter [justice proceedings] is pronounced, then we are well beyond legal abort. It's not a problem of ordinary or sporting justice: in any country that defines itself as civil, any penalties and sanctions must be imposed after a guilty verdict has been recorded, never before. And don't talk to me about UEFA regulations or lists to be given to the same for the European cups: the rights of the accused, including that of being able to defend themselves with the means that the law makes available to them, come before a football match. ... I, on my own, can only reiterate the concept already expressed: a penalty of 8/10 points, a fine, and a ban of Moggi and Giraudo for 10/12 months, this was the appropriate penalty in my opinion. Any parallel with the story of 1980 is unthinkable: here there're no traces of offence, nor of money or checks. The environmental offence isn't a crime covered by any code, unless we're talking about air pollution.'
^Rossini, Claudio (5 March 2014). "Calciopoli e la verità di comodo". Blasting News (in Italian). Retrieved 24 January 2023. Juventus has been acquitted, the offending championships (2004/2005 and 2005/2006) have been declared regular, and the reasons for the conviction of Luciano Moggi are vague; mostly, they condemn his position, that he was in a position to commit a crime. In short, be careful to enter a shop without surveillance because even if you don't steal, you would have had the opportunity. And go on to explain to your friends that you're honest people after the morbid and pro-sales campaign of the newspapers. ... a club has been acquitted, and no one has heard of it, and whoever has heard of it, they don't accept it. The verdict of 2006, made in a hurry, was acceptable, that of Naples was not. The problem then lies not so much in vulgar journalism as in readers who accept the truths that are convenient. Juventus was, rightly or wrongly, the best justification for the failures of others, and it was in popular sentiment, as evidenced by the new controversies concerning 'The System.' But how? Wasn't the rotten erased? The referees since 2006 make mistakes in good faith, the word of Massimo Moratti (the only 'honest'). ... it isn't a question of tifo, but of a critical spirit, of the desire to deepen and not be satisfied with the headlines (as did Oliviero Beha, a well-known Viola [Fiorentina] fan, who, however, drew conclusions outside the chorus because, despite enjoying it as a tifoso, he suffered as a journalist. He wasn't satisfied and went into depth. He was one of the few).
^Ingram, Sam (20 December 2021). "Calciopoli Scandal: Referee Designators As Desired Pawns". ZicoBall. Retrieved 24 January 2023. FIGC's actions in relegating Juventus and handing the title to Inter Milan were somewhat peculiar. Of course, Moggi and Juventus deserved punishment; that is not up for dispute. However, the severity of the ruling and the new location for the Scudetto was unprecedented and arguably should never have happened. The final ruling in the Calciopoli years later judged that Juventus had never breached article 6. As a result, the Serie A champions should never have encountered a shock 1–1 draw away to Rimini in the season's curtain-raiser. Nor should they have trounced Piacenza 4–0 in Turin or handed a 5–1 thrashing away to Arezzo in Tuscany. The findings stated that some club officials had violated article 6, but none had originated from Juventus. FIGC created a structured article violation with their decision-making. This means that instead of finding an article 6 breach, several article 1 violations were pieced together to create evidence damning to warrant relegation from Italy's top flight. Article 1 violations in Italian football usually command fines, bans, or points deductions, but certainly not relegation.
^Garganese, Carlo (17 June 2011). "Revealed: The Calciopoli evidence that shows Luciano Moggi is the victim of a witch-hunt". Goal.com. Retrieved 3 February 2023. [The FIGC sentence] stated perfectly clearly [sic] that no Article 6 violations (match-fixing/attempted match-fixing breaks the sixth article of the sporting code) were found within the intercepted calls and the season was fair and legitimate, but that the ex-Juventus directors nonetheless demonstrated they could potentially benefit from their exclusive relationship with referee designators Gianluigi Pairetto and Paolo Bergamo. There were, however, no requests for specific referees, no demands for favours and no conversations between Juventus directors and referees themselves.
^Garganese, Carlo (17 June 2011). "Revealed: The Calciopoli evidence that shows Luciano Moggi is the victim of a witch-hunt". Goal.com. Retrieved 3 February 2023. In a series of consistent courtroom releases, Luciano Moggi's defence team unravelled not tens, not hundreds, but thousands upon thousands of calls between the referee designators and the directors and/or coaches of every team in Serie A and beyond, including Inter. All during the same 'incriminated' period that saw Juventus punished. The code of conduct in 2006 did not oppose dialogue between designators and directors; in fact the league officials encouraged it in order to maintain good relations between teams and the AIA (Italian Referee Association). The calls themselves, as a result, were not always incriminating but their mere existence meant that the theory of Juventus' 'exclusivity' could no longer hold. Up until that point nothing directly incriminating had ever been heard by any director. The new calls that Moggi's lawyers released, however, were full of other directors making referee requests, direct referee contact, proposals for secret meetings between referees and directors in closed restaurants and banks, and so on.
^Beha, Oliviero (7 February 2012). "Il 'caso Moggi' e le colpe della stampa: non fa inchieste, (di)pende dai verbali, non sa leggere le sentenze". Tiscali (in Italian). Archived from the original on 12 March 2012. Retrieved 24 January 2023. ... the motivations in 558 pages are summarized as follows. 1) Championships not altered (therefore championships unjustly taken away from Juve...), matches not fixed, referees not corrupted, investigations conducted incorrectly by the investigators of the Public Prosecutor's Office (interceptions of the Carabinieri which were even manipulated in the confrontation in the Chamber). 2) The SIM cards, the foreign telephone cards that Moggi has distributed to some referees and designators, would be proof of the attempt to alter and condition the system, even without the effective demonstration of the rigged result. 3) Moggi's attitude, like a real 'telephone' boss, is invasive even when he tries to influence the [Italian Football Federation] and the national team, see the phone calls with Carraro and Lippi. 4) That these phone calls and this 'mafia' or 'sub-mafia' promiscuity aimed at 'creating criminal associations' turned out to be common practice in the environment as is evident, does not acquit Moggi and C.: and therefore here is the sentence. ... Finally point 1), the so-called positive part of the motivations, that is, in fact everything is regular. And then the scandal of 'Scommettopoli' [the Italian football scandal of 2011] in which it's coming out that the 2010–2011 championship [won by Milan] as a whole with tricks is to be considered really and decidedly irregular? The Chief Prosecutor of Cremona, Di Martino, says so for now, while sports justice takes its time as always, but I fear that many will soon repeat it, unless everything is silenced. With all due respect to those who want the truth and think that Moggi has objectively become the 'scapegoat'. Does the framework of information that does not investigate, analyze, compare, and take sides out of ignorance or bias seem slightly clearer to you?
^Vaciago, Guido (28 July 2015). "Cassazione: 'Sistema inquinato'. Ma non spiega i misteri di Calciopoli". Tuttosport (in Italian). Retrieved 24 January 2023. However, the accusatory castle exists, built with interceptions expertly selected by the 170,000. That is, there are the famous 'barbecues', or the telephone calls between Moggi and the designator Bergamo, during which the two established the referees to be included in the drawing scheme. Phone calls that have particularly affected the Cassation which cites them as an example of pollution. In short, the fact that other managers (Meani from Milan, Facchetti from Inter, just to give an example, but the list could be long) also called Bergamo to plead their case and explicitly ask this or that referee isn't taken into consideration (Collina, for example...). But then, how many domes were there? The Cassation does not tell us, even if it admits between the lines that 'the system of preparing the grids was quite widespread' and admits that the developments of the behaviors of Meani and Facchetti (explicitly mentioned) 'were not investigated in depth'.
^"Palazzi: 'Per l'Inter era illecito sportivo'". Corriere dello Sport (in Italian). 4 July 2011. Archived from the original on 5 March 2016. Retrieved 30 January 2023. Inter, which were awarded the 2006 league revoked from Juventus, violated Article 6 of the Sports Justice Code, the one about illicits. This is the conviction expressed by the [FIGC's] federal prosecutor, Stefano Palazzi, in the conclusions attached to the device on the open investigation 'as soon as we have received news of the new facts that have emerged and therefore before the complaint presented by Juventus ... The facts are lapsed, but the statute of limitations can be waived', confirms the federal prosecutor.
^Boffi, Emanuele (29 July 2006). "Calciopoli. E se lo scandalo fosse il modo con cui ce l'hanno raccontato?". Tempi (in Italian). Retrieved 3 February 2023. 'I wonder why the Italian media say every possible abomination on the potential conflict of interest of Adriano Galliani, president of Lega [Calcio] and executive of Milan, but don't use the same criterion towards Guido Rossi, extraordinary commissioner of the [Italian Football] Federation and former executive of Moratti's Inter Milan from 1995 to 1999, and of Gigi Agnolin, appointed commissioner of referees but still former executive of Roma from 1995 to 2000 (instead of Moggi, look what a combination).' (Christian Rocca, ilfoglio.it/camillo, 3 July) ... .
Daniel SchultzPotret diri ca. 1635Lahirca. 1615Danzig, Prusia PolandiaMeninggal1683Danzig, Prusia PolandiaDikenal atasSeni lukisGerakan politikBarokPatron(s)Jan II Kazimierz Waza, Michał Korybut Wiśniowiecki, Jan III Sobieski Jerzy (Georg) Daniel Schultz,[1] dikenal pula sebagai Daniel Schultz Muda (1615–1683), adalah seorang pelukis terkenal dari zaman Barok, yang lahir dan berkarya di Persemakmuran Polandia-Lituania.[2] Ia melukis banyak bangsawan Polandia dan Lituania,...
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Detachment AActive1956–1984Disbanded1984Country United StatesBranch United States ArmyTypeSpecial ForcesRoleUnconventional Warfare Stay-behind Underwater OperationsSize90 (reportedly)Part of 10th Special Forces GroupGarrison/HQBad Tölz Later relocated to West BerlinEngagementsOperation Eagle Claw (Preparation and Reconnaissance)Military unit Detachment A also known as 7781 Army Unit, and 39th Special Forces Operational Detachment was a specialised unit within the 10th Specia...
American think tank Institute for the Study of WarAbbreviationISWFormation2007; 17 years ago (2007)TypePublic Policy think tankLegal status501(c)(3)Headquarters1400 16th St NWLocationWashington, D.C., United StatesPresidentKimberly KaganBoard of directors Jack Keane Kimberly Kagan Kelly Craft William Kristol Joseph I. Lieberman Kevin Mandia Jack D. McCarthy, Jr. Bruce Mosler David Petraeus Warren Phillips William Roberti Websiteunderstandingwar.orgwww.iswresearch.org Th...
National highway in India National Highway 149Map of National Highway 149 in redMajor junctionsFromPallaharaToBanarpal Square LocationCountryIndiaStatesOdisha Highway system Roads in India Expressways National State Asian ← NH 32→ NH 79 National Highway 149 is a national highway of India.[1] Old Route & New Re-Alignment Pallahara - Samal Barrage - Godibandha - Talcher - Nuahata was the old alignment of NH 149. But from 2024, NH 149 alignment was changed to Nauhatta - Talcher -...
Henri Dorey Fonctions Député français 9 décembre 1958 – 9 octobre 1962(3 ans et 10 mois) Élection 30 décembre 1958 Circonscription 2e du Territoire-de-Belfort Législature Ire (Cinquième République) Groupe politique RPCD Prédécesseur Circonscription créée Successeur Jean-Marie Bailly 5 juillet 1951 – 5 décembre 1958(7 ans et 5 mois) Élection 17 juin 1951 Réélection 2 janvier 1956 Circonscription Territoire-de-Belfort Législature IIe et IIIe (Quatrièm...