Based on its structure and language, the artifact is generally understood to have been an epitaph (a tombstone inscription) created by a man named Seikilos and possibly dedicated to a woman named Euterpe. An alternative view, put forward by Armand D'Angour, holds that the inscription does not mark a tomb, but was instead a monument erected by Seikilos himself to commemorate his musical and poetic skill.[6]
Per Landels (2002),[a] the distich translates in English as:
"I, the stone, am an image and Seikilos places me here (to be) a long-lasting monument to immortal memory"
D'Angour (2021) maintains that the translation of the letter "Η" (Eta) as "the" (ἡ) results in an awkward phrasing in Greek, and thus prefers the conjunctive "and" (ἤ), which translates as "I am an image and a stone; Seikilos sets me up here as a long-lasting marker of undying memory".[6] Alternatively, Pilch (2011) translates the opening sentence as "I am an image in stone [...]".[8] In all cases, the language of the distich implies that the stone should be imagined as speaking to the reader in first person and in the present tense; a familiar structure that is commonly found in ancient epitaphs, where the stone appears to 'speak' to the passer-by (see the epitaph of Simonides).[6]
Epitaph
Below the distich follows a brief poem, also in all-capitals, with vocal notation signs above the words. The text, here excluding the musical notations (followed below by the polytonic script[7] and Latin transliteration[9]), reads:
ΟΣΟΝ ΖΗΣ ΦΑΙΝΟΥ / ΜΗΔΕΝ ΟΛΩΣ ΣΥ / ΛΥΠΟΥ ΠΡΟΣ ΟΛΙ / ΓΟΝ ΕΣΤΙ ΤΟ ΖΗΝ / ΤΟ ΤΕΛΟΣ Ο ΧΡΟ / ΝΟΣ ΑΠΑΙΤΕΙ
In English the poem translates as: "As long as you're alive, shine, don't be sad at all; life is short, time asks for its due" per Rohland (2022).[10] Landels (2002) provides the alternative translation: "As long as you live, let the world see you, and don't make yourself miserable; life is short, and Time demands his due".[3] Above the words of the epitaph, letters and other symbols are used in order to indicate pitches. Above these symbols are signs indicating the duration of the syllables (see transcription below).[8]
Dedication
Before the last line was ground off so Mrs. Purser (the wife of the discoverer) could use the stele as a flowerpot stand, the dedication read:
ΣΕΙΚΙΛΟΣ ΕΥΤΕΡ [...]ΖΕΙ[...]
The verb 'ζει'zei, meaning "is alive", was a common ancient convention indicating that the dedicator had survived the dedicatee and created the monument in their memory.[6] The last two surviving words on the tombstone itself are (with the bracketed characters denoting a partial possible reconstruction of the lacuna or of a possible name abbreviation)[4]
Σεικίλος Εὐτέρ[πῃ] Seikílos Eutér[pēi]
meaning "Seikilos to Euterpe"; hence, according to this reconstruction, the tombstone and the epigrams thereon were dedicated by Seikilos to a woman named Euterpe, who was possibly his wife.[2] Alternatively, the inscription references Euterpe, the Muse of lyric poetry and music in Greek mythology, as a way to emphasize Seikilos' poetic skill.[11] Another possible partial reconstruction could be:
Σεικίλος Εὐτέρ[που] Seikílos Eutér[pou]
meaning "Seikilos of Euterpes", i.e. "Seikilos, son of Euterpes".[12][8]
A German scholar Otto Crusius in 1893, shortly after the publication of this inscription, was the first to observe that the music of this song as well as that of the hymns of Mesomedes tends to follow the pitch of the word accents.[13] The publication of the two Delphic hymns in the same year confirmed this tendency. Thus in this epitaph, in most of the words, the accented syllable is higher in pitch than the syllable which follows; and the circumflex accents in λυποῦlupoû, ζῆνzên and ἀπαιτεῖapaiteî have a falling contour within the syllable, just as described by the 1st century BC rhetorician Dionysius of Halicarnassus, while the first syllable of φαίνουphaínou (a long vowel with an acute accent) has a rising melody.[14]
One word which does not conform is the first word ὅσονhóson, where the music has a low note despite the acute accent. Another example of a low note at the beginning of a line which has been observed is βαῖν᾽ ἐπὶbaîn᾽ epì in the 2nd Delphic Hymn. There are other places also where the initial syllable of a clause starts on a low note in the music.[15]
Another apparently anomalous word is ἐστὶestì 'is', where the music has a rising melody on the first syllable. However, there exists a second pronunciation ἔστιésti, which is used, according to Philomen Probert, "when the word expresses existence or possibility (i.e. when it is translatable with expressions such as 'exists', 'there is', or 'it is possible')",[16] which is evidently the meaning here.[17]
Melody
Transcription
The inscription above each line of the lyrics (transcribed here in polytonic script), consists of letters and signs indicating the melody of the song:[18]
An approximate translation of the tune into modern musical notation, with the original text, a romanization, and a rough word-for-word translation giving an indication of the meaning of each word. The original tune was a fourth lower (Iastian key).[clarification needed]
Melody sung in an approximation of Koine Greek pronunciation and in modern popular vocal style; a mix of both rhythmizations (see § An alternative rhythmization, below) is used.
Although the transcription of the melody is unproblematic, there is some disagreement about the nature of the melodic material itself. There are no modulations, and the notation is clearly in the diatonic genus, but while it is described by Thomas J. Mathiesen and Jon Solomon on the one hand as being clearly in the diatonic Iastian tonos,[19] Mathiesen also says it would "fit perfectly" within Ptolemy's Phrygian tonos,[20] since, according to Jon Solomon, the arrangement of the tones (1 ½ 1 1 1 ½ 1 [ascending]) "is that of the Phrygian species" according to Cleonides.[21] The overall note series is alternatively described by Egert Pöhlmann [de] and Martin Litchfield West as corresponding "to a segment from the Ionian scale".[22]R. P. Winnington-Ingram says "The scale employed is the diatonic octave from e to e (in two sharps). The tonic seems to be a; the cadence is af♯e. This piece is … [in] Phrygic (the D mode) with its tonic in the same relative position as that of the Doric."[5] Yet Claude Palisca explains that the difficulty lies in the fact that "the harmoniai had no finals, dominants, or internal relationships that would establish a hierarchy of tensions and points of rest, although the mese ('middle note') may have had a gravitational function". Although the epitaph's melody is "clearly structured around a single octave, … the melody emphasizes the mese by position … rather than the mese by function".[23] Moreover, Charles Cosgrove, building on West, shows that although the notes correspond to the Phrygian octave species, analyzing the song on the assumption that its orientation notes are the standing notes of a set of disjunct tetrachords forming the Phrygian octave species does not sufficiently illumine the melody's tonal structure. The song's pitch centers (notes of emphasis according to frequency, duration, and placement) are, in Greek notational nomenclature, C and Z, which correspond to G and D if the scale is mapped on the white keys of the piano (A and E in the "two sharps" transcription above). [24] These two pitches are mese and nete diezeugmenon of the octave species, but the two other standing notes of that scale's tetrachords (hypate and paramese) do not come into play in significant ways as pitch centers, whether individually or together in intervals forming fourths. The melody is dominated by fifths and thirds; and although the piece ends on hypate, that is the only occurrence of this note. This instance of hypate probably derives its suitability as a final by virtue of being "the same," through octave equivalency, as nete diezeugmenon, the pitch center Z.[25]
Stigmai
The musical notation has certain dots above it, called stigmai (στιγμαί), singular stigmē (στιγμή), which are also found in certain other fragments of Greek music, such as the fragment from Euripides' Orestes. The meaning of these is still uncertain. According to an ancient source (known as the Anonymus Bellermanni), they represent an 'arsis', which has been taken to mean a kind of 'upbeat' ('arsis' means 'raising' in Greek);[26]Armand D'Angour argues, however, that this does not rule out the possibility of a dynamic stress.[27] Another view, by Solomon, is that the stigmai "signify a rhythmical emphasis".[28] According to Mathiesen,
The meaning of the stigme has been debated for years by scholars. Is it an ictus mark, does it indicate stress, does it show arsis or thesis, and which part of the foot ought to be called arsis?[29]
A stigme appears on all the syllables of the second half of each bar as it is printed above (for example on ὅλως, -γον ἔσ-, and ὁ χρόνος). If the Anonymus Bellermanni source is correct, this implies that whole of the first half of each double-foot bar or measure is the thesis, and the whole of the second half is the arsis. Stefan Hagel, however, argues that this does not preclude the possibility that within the thesis and arsis there was a further hierarchy of strong and weak notes.[30]
Dating
The find has been variously dated, but the first or second century AD is the most probable guess. One authority states that on grounds of paleography the inscription can be "securely dated to the first century C.E.",[31] while on the same basis (the use of swallow-tail serifs, the almost triangular Φ with prolongation below, ligatures between N, H, and M, and above all the peculiar form of the letter omega) another is equally certain it dates from the second century AD, and makes comparisons to dated inscriptions of 127/128 AD and 149/150 AD.[32]
Discovery and exhibition
The Epitaph was discovered in 1883 by Sir W. M. Ramsay in Tralleis, a small town near Aydın, Turkey. According to one source the stele was then lost and rediscovered in Smyrna in 1922, at about the end of the Greco-Turkish War of 1919–1922.[3] According to another source the stele, having first been discovered during the building of the railway next to Aydın, had first remained in the possession of the building firm's director, Edward Purser, where Ramsay found and published about it; in about 1893, as it "was broken at the bottom, its base was sawn off straight so that it could stand and serve as a pedestal for Mrs Purser's flowerpots"; this caused the loss of one line of text, i.e., while the stele would now stand upright, the grinding had obliterated the last line of the inscription. The stele next passed to Edward Purser's son-in-law, Mr Young, who kept it in Buca, Smyrna. It remained there until the defeat of the Greeks, having been taken by the Dutch Consul for safe keeping during the war; the Consul's son-in-law later brought it by way of Constantinople and Stockholm to The Hague; it remained there until 1966, when it was acquired by the Department of Antiquities of the National Museum of Denmark in Copenhagen. This is where the stele has been located since (inventory number: 14897).[22]
Alternative rhythmization
A possible alternative way of rhythmizing the Seikilos song, in order to preserve the iambic ('rising', di-dum) feel of the rhythm, was suggested by Armand D'Angour, with the barlines displaced one quaver to the right, as in the following transcription:[33][34]
Stefan Hagel, discussing an example in the Anonymus Bellermanni, suggests the possibility of a similar transcription with displaced barlines of a line of music with this same rhythm.[35] His hypothesis is based on an assumption about ancient rhythmical theory and practice, namely that "the regular iambic environment precluded accented shorts altogether; in other words, the accent of the iambic foot fell on its long".[35]
However, Tosca Lynch argues that this assumption is contradicted by ancient rhythmical theory and practice.[36] She notes that the song in its conventional transcription corresponds to the rhythm referred to by ancient Greek rhythmicians as an "iambic dactyl" (δάκτυλος κατ᾽ ἴαμβον (dáktulos kat᾽ íambon) (⏑⏔ ⁝ ⏑⏔) (using the term "dactyl" in the rhythmicians' sense of a foot in which the two parts are of equal length) (cf. Aristides Quintilianus 38.5–6).[37] According to this, the whole of the first half of each bar (e.g. ὅσονhóson) is the thesis, and the whole of the second (ζῇςzêis), as the stigmai imply, is the arsis. Therefore, in Lynch's opinion the conventional transcription is to be preferred as it accurately reflects the original rhythm.
Popular culture
For the 1951 film Quo Vadis, Miklós Rózsa drew inspiration from Ancient Greco-Roman music and instruments.
Nero (Peter Ustinov) is shown composing and singing a melody based in the Seikilos epitaph.
The English lyrics however are by H. Gray.[38]
Cosgrove, Charles. 2011. An Ancient Christian Hymn with Musical Notation: Papyrus Oxyrhynchus 1786: Text and Commentary. Heidelberg: Mohr Siebeck Verlag. ISBN978-3-16-150923-0
D'Angour, Armand. 2018. "The Song of Seikilos". In: Tom Phillips and Armand D'Angour (eds). Music, Text, and Culture in Ancient Greece. Oxford University Press ISBN978-0-19-879446-2, pp. 64–72.
Palisca, Claude V. 2006. Music and Ideas in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. Studies in the History of Music Theory and Literature 1. University of Illinois Press. ISBN978-0-252-03156-4.
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