Logo of the group. The "Spider" of the Nationalist Front Fatherland and Liberty. According to Manuel Fuentes Wendling the symbol was created with the aim of being associated with the Nazi swastika.[1]
The Fatherland and Liberty Nationalist Front (Spanish: Frente Nacionalista Patria y Libertad or simply Patria y Libertad, PyL) was a Chilean fascist,[5]political and paramilitary group[6] that fought against the democratically elected Popular Unity government of Salvador Allende, in Chile.
In June 1973, the group attempted to carry out a coup against the Allende government but failed, in an event known as the Tanquetazo. In July 1973, it received orders from the Chilean Navy, which opposed the Schneider Doctrine of military adherence to the constitution, to sabotage Chile's infrastructure. The collaboration between Fatherland and Liberty and the Chilean Armed Forces increased after the failed October 1972 strike which had sought to overthrow Allende socialist administration. In agreement with the sectors opposing Allende in the military, the group assassinated on 26 July 1973 Allende's naval aide, Arturo Araya Peeters.[7] The first sabotage was committed this same day. Others include creating a power outage while Allende was being broadcast.[8]
It was officially disbanded on 12 September 1973, following Pinochet's coup. Many members of PyL were then recruited by Chilean security services and participated in the persecution of those opposed to Pinochet's junta. Still others like Roberto Thieme became convinced opponents of the regime (Thieme in particular opposed the neo-liberal economic policies under Pinochet). Since the transition to democracy, some small groups have since claimed to be its successor, but are not officially linked to the original PyL.
Creation of the group
Headed by Pablo Rodríguez Grez, the group was spawned in the Pontifical Catholic University of Chile. It formally organized itself in 1970, a short time after the election of Salvador Allende. Patria y Libertad gathered mainly upper and middle-class students, united by common anti-communist beliefs, engaged in street brawls against leftist militants and sympathizers, armed with nunchakus and molotov cocktails.[9]Patria y Libertad hoped to overthrow socialism in Chile.[10] Along with the youth movement of the Christian Democracy, the youth of the National Party and the "Comando Rolando Matus" (CRM), the paramilitary group formed and integrated by the youth of this last political party, they participated in demonstrations against the President Salvador Allende's socialist government.[11]
The group was funded by the CIA during the first year of Allende's presidency, including via the Agency's Track II program.[12] According to Prof. Michael Stohl, and Prof. George A. Lopez, "After the failure to prevent Allende from taking office, efforts shifted to obtaining his removal. At least $7 million was authorized by the United States for CIA use in the destabilizing of Chilean society. This included financing and assisting opposition groups and right-wing paramilitary groups such as Patria y Libertad ('Fatherland and Liberty')".[13] Although PyL was already dissolved, some of their former integrants continued collaborating with Pinochet's regime. Former head of DINAManuel Contreras declared to Chilean justice in 2005 that the CNI, successor of DINA, handed out monthly payments between 1978 and 1990 to the persons who had worked with DINA agent Michael Townley in Chile, former members of PyL: Mariana Callejas (Townley's wife), Francisco Oyarzún, Gustavo Etchepare and Eugenio Berríos.[14] Assassinated in 1995, Berrios, who worked as a chemist for the DINA in Colonia Dignidad, also worked with drug traffickers and DEA agents.[15] Michael Townley has been convicted for the 1976 assassination of former Chilean minister Orlando Letelier, and was involved in the 1974 assassination of General Carlos Prats in Buenos Aires.
Clandestine activities
June 1973 sabotage plan
Building that served as Patria y Libertad headquarters in Santiago.
The Chilean Navy's June 1973 plan included sabotaging bridges, oilpipelines, energy towers and the fuel supply. The plan was revealed after the transition to democracy by Roberto Theime, leader of military operations for Fatherland and Liberty. Thieme exiled himself to Argentina after the failed Tanquetazo, but returned to Chile in mid-July 1973, two months before the military coup.[8] Thieme also revealed that in 1973, he was pressured by the military to assassinate Senator Carlos Altamirano, who had been the general secretary of the Socialist Party since 1971.[8]
Olof Palme assassination
The Swedish journalist Anders Leopold, in his 2008 book Det svenska trädet skall fällas, makes the case that PyL leader Roberto Thieme was the assassin in the still-unsolved 1986 murder of Swedish prime minister Olof Palme. According to Leopold, the Swedish prime minister was killed because he had freely given asylum to so many leftist Chileans following the 1973 coup against Salvador Allende.[16]
2004 declarations
Roberto Thieme, leader of the military operations of PyL, signed on 2 December 2004, along with other leaders José Agustín Vásquez and Arturo Hoffmann, a declaration which referred to the Valech Report and begged pardon for their responsibilities in the repression against civilians operated by Pinochet's junta. They indicated that many members of the group had been recruited by the Chilean security services and had thus collaborated to the repression, including acts of torture and of forced disappearances. Thieme also opposed the neoliberal economic policies of Pinochet's regime, and criticized Pinochet's lack of repentance following his 1998 arrest in London and subsequent judicial procedures in Chile.[17]
Judicial procedures
Juan Patricio Abarzúa Cáceres, a former member of PyL, was arrested in 2005, charged in the "disappearance" of Juan Heredia, a Popular Unity government sympathiser "disappeared" on 16 September 1973.[18]
^Academic literature describing FNPL as a neofascist movement:
"Optamos por definir al FNPyL como una agrupación política no partidaria de tinte neo-fascista que derivó en un grupo armado y ejerció la violencia política como método de lucha contra los militantes de izquierda". In Gomes, G. (2016). "Héroes y demonios. Los jóvenes del Frente Nacionalista Patria y Libertad en el Chile de la Unidad Popular (1970–1973)". Revista de la Red Intercátedras de Historia de América Latina Contemporánea: Segunda Época, 4, p. 59.
"One of the other parties, Partido del Sur, put forward Pablo Rodríguez, the former leader of the neofascist and extremely violent Patria y Libertad". In: Power, M. (2016). Pensar las derechas en América Latina en el siglo XX. Nuevo Mundo Mundos Nuevos, 2, p. 13.
"Sandoval himself has expressed great admiration for Spain's fascist Falange and Chile's neofascist organization, Patria y Libertad." In: Simons, M. (1981). Guatemala: The Coming Danger. Foreign Policy, 43, p. 100.
"Fatherland and Liberty (Patria y Libertad, PL). The PL was founded in September 1970 by a lawyer, Pablo Rodriguez Grez, who had been a member of Alessandri's campaign committee. A neo-fascist organization, the PL was at the forefront of conservative opposition to Allende." en: Hayes, B. C. (1979). The Invisible Blockade and the Covert War: US Relations with Chile, 1970-1973. Tesis de maestría, Naval Postgraduate School, p. 15.
References
^Reportajes 24: Patria y Libertad, los pasos de la "Araña" (min 7:08) – via Youtube. Accessed 16 March 2020.
^Saez, Manuel Alcantara; Sáez, Manuel Alcántara; Freidenberg, Flavia (eds ) & (1 de enero de 2001). Partidos políticos de América Latina. Cono Sur. Universidad de Salamanca. p. 351.
^Academic literature describing FNPL as a fascist movement:
"Pablo Rodriguez, a lawyer and gremialista, formed the Movimiento Nacionalista 'Patria y Libertad' (Fatherland and Freedom), a paramilitary fascist organization, after Allende came to power." In: De los Angeles Crummett, M. (1977). "El Poder Feminino: The Mobilization of Women against Socialism in Chile". Latin American Perspectives, 4(4), p. 106.
"... the UN report said that it had recruited tens of thousands of collaborators, many from the fascist Patria y Libertad group." In: Webber, F. (1999). "The Pinochet case: the struggle for the realization of human rights". Journal of Law and Society, 26(4), p. 527.
"the fascist street-fighters of Patria y Libertad who filled the streets with garbage and gunned down antifascist truck drivers racing down the streets bringin" In: Petras, J., & Petras, B. (1973). "The Chilean coup". Instant Research on Peace and Violence, 3(4), p. 163.
"... hundreds of rightst anti-government terrorist incidents, particularly by the fascist Patria y Libertad ..." (ibid., p. 166)
"With all of these thoughts filling his head, Frei joined efforts with Jarpa of the National Party and Thieme of the Patria y Libertad fascists in their efforts to sabotage the economy and undermine the Allende Government in the firm belief that a military take-over would be temporary – a transitory phenomena - leading to the reestablishment of a Christian Democratic Government." (ibid., p. 173)
"The only available groups willing and acceptable to the junta were the ultra-right National Party, the fascist Patria y Libertad and the business and professional associations." (ibid. p. 176)
Paredes, Alejandro. La Operación Cóndor y la guerra fría. Universum. [online]. 2004, vol.19, no.1 [accessed 12 October 2008], p. 122–137. ISSN 0718-2376.[full citation needed]
