General elections were held in Honduras on 29 November 2009, including presidential, parliamentary and local elections.[1][2] Voters went to the polls to elect:
Campaigning by candidates took place for the three months prior to 29 November in the context of conflict between the de facto government, the de jure government, and resistance to the de facto government, mostly coordinated by the National Resistance Front.
Hundreds of candidates, including presidential candidate Carlos H. Reyes, renounced their candidacy citing scepticism that the same military that overthrew the elected president could be trusted to run a free and fair election five months later.[10]
Independent (withdrew 9 November on grounds of alleged election illegitimacy and fraud)[15][16][18]
Opinion polls
A pre-election poll conducted between 23 and 29 August 2009 by COIMER & OP showed a relative majority (41%) who would not declare a voting preference or would not vote in favour of any of the six candidates.[19] By mid-October this had dropped to a minority (29%) according to a CID-Gallup poll.[20] Porfirio Lobo's support increased from 28% in August to 37% in October, and Elvin Santos' support increased from 14% to 21%. According to the two polls, Carlos H. Reyes' support dropped from 12% to 6%, while the other three candidates increased from 1–2% support in August to 2–3% in October.[19] A popularity rating question in the COIMER & OP August poll, concerning positive, average and negative opinions towards presidential candidates and other prominent people, found that Porfirio Lobo had more negative than positive popularity (34% versus 30%), as did Elvin Santos (45% versus 19%) and the de facto President Roberto Micheletti (56% versus 16%) and César Ham (20% versus 16%). Carlos H. Reyes had more positive than negative ratings (25% versus 14%), as did de jure President Manuel Zelaya (45% versus 26%).[19]
Over thirty thousand security personnel were involved in running the election, including 12,000 military, 14,000 police officers and 5000 reservists.[23] Mayors were requested by the army to provide lists of "enemies" (Spanish: enemigos) of the electoral process in order to "neutralise" them (Spanish: neutralizarlos).[23]
Amnesty International protested to the Honduran de facto government about violations of habeas corpus on 28 and 29 November.[24] One of the people who were disappeared was Jensys Mario Umanzor Gutierrez, last seen in police detention early on the morning of 30 November. Amnesty International (AI) stated that no courts, including the Supreme Court, were available to receive a petition for habeas corpus. AI also referred to two men arrested under terrorism charges and beaten, and 14 minors detained under decree PCM-M-016-2009[8] for gathering in groups of more than four persons, and later freed without charges.[24] AI also said that human rights organizations in Honduras "suffered attacks and acts of intimidation".[24]
On election day, police and military suppressed an anti-election rally in San Pedro Sula, with reports of one death plus injuries and arrests.[25][unreliable source?] There were also reports that employees of government agencies and private businesses were being told that they would be fired if they did not vote.[26][unreliable source?]
The European Parliament did not send observers.[27] However, observers were sent by the centre-right European People's Party, who reported a "high degree of civic maturity and exemplar democratic behaviour" during the elections.[28]
Despite few outside legal observers, the International Republican Institute and the National Democratic Institute were there as American observers. The IRI supported the projections of 61% from the interim government and the Supreme Electoral Tribunal.[29] The NDI has so far not commented on their projection of the vote turnout, however have commented on an independent, local Honduran observer part-funded by USAID,[30] the Hagamos Democracia who put the turnout on 48%. The NDI commented that they had a low margin of error on what percentage of the votes were allocated to the candidates as they had successfully projected the vote's outcome: 56 percent for Lobo and 38 percent for Santos. He also said a 48 percent turnout would be consistent with a trend of increasing abstention in Honduras. Turnout was 55 percent in the 2005 election that brought Zelaya to office, 10 percentage points lower than in the previous election.[31] Official turnout was revised down to 49%, a figure consistent with the TSE's own internal figures on election day but over which it had preferred to announce the entirely unfounded but rather more politically convenient 61%, as was caught on video at the time.[32] 49% incidentally, is also a decline on the 55% 2005 election turnout.[33]
Porfirio Lobo Sosa, popularly known as Pepe Lobo, of the opposition conservative National Party was elected to succeed Micheletti. Early reports gave Lobo over 50% of the popular vote, with Elvin Santos the closest opponent with around 35%.[34] While some regional nations did not accept the election as valid, others including the United States have supported its legitimacy.[35] While exiled President Manuel Zelaya called for a boycott of the election, turnout ranged from around 30% in poorer areas to 70% in more wealthy communities. Lobo hinted that charges against Zelaya would be dropped.[36]
Hundreds of people made a noisy drive-by protest in Tegucigalpa on 1 December to symbolise their rejection of the elections and to highlight that the turnout estimates of over 60% were inaccurate.[39] Zelaya's aide Carlos Reina called for the elections to be cancelled.[39]
In early November 2009, Dagoberto Suazo of the National Resistance Front against the coup d'État in Honduras asked for the international community to continue to refuse to recognise the planned 29 November elections.[37] Marvin Ponce, a member of Congress from the Democratic Unification Party, said that it was not possible to hold the elections in the aftermath of the coup d'état.[37] Bertha Oliva of COFADEH criticised the United States government for stating that Honduras could hold "free elections in less than three weeks" when "Hondurans [were being] subjected to arbitrary arrest, the closure of independent media, police beatings, torture and even killings by security forces".[38] Oliva claimed that it was not possible to have an election campaign when the right to freedom of assembly, freedom of movement and press freedom were absent. She called for elections to be delayed until at least three months after human rights and democracy are restored.[38]
On 6 November 2009, following the failure of Micheletti and Zelaya to together create a "unity cabinet", Zelaya called for a boycott of the 29 November election.[40]
On 9 November 2009, following a national meeting of leaders of the National Resistance Front against the coup d'état, presidential candidate Carlos H. Reyes declared the withdrawal of his candidacy, on the grounds of not legitimising the coup d'état and fraudulent elections.[15][16][18] At the time of Reyes' withdrawal, the Honduran newspapers El Tiempo and La Tribuna showed Reyes' right hand in a plaster cast[15][16] due to an injury sustained during his 30 July beating by Honduran security forces under the control of the de facto Micheletti government.[13][14] At least 30–40 candidates from various parties and independent candidates, including at least one National Party candidate, Mario Medrano in San Manuel, Cortés, also withdraw in protest.[41] Mario Medrano stated that he withdrew his candidature in order not to legitimise the coup d'état, that this was independent of party membership, and that anyone elected could be removed [if the coup d'état remained legitimate].[41]
Canadian investigative journalist Jesse Freeston released a series of three videos before and after the elections them of being "coup laundering". In the final video, "Honduran Elections Exposed", Freeston separately interviews two members of the Honduran Supreme Electoral Tribunal. The engineer in charge of the count says that 49% of Hondurans had turned out to vote. Meanwhile, the spokesman for the tribunal told Freeston that roughly 65% had turned out. Freeston concludes that nobody knows how many Hondurans turned out, since all four major international election observers (UN, EU, Carter Center, and OAS) all refused to participate.[42] The videos also exposed the police attack on an anti-election protest in San Pedro Sula, the arrest of a man for possession of anti-election posters in Tegucigalpa, a letter the military sent to all the mayors in Honduras seeking contact information of anyone involved in the National People's Resistance Front, the shutting down of anti-coup media outlets Radio Globo and Canal 36, and the targeted assassinations of anti-coup community organizers.[43]
International
Mercosur declared on 24 July 2009 that it would not recognise the results of the planned November elections or any other elections organised under Micheletti.[4] President Cristina Kirchner of Argentina stated, "We must condemn any benevolent coup attempt, that is, when through a civilian-military coup legitimate authorities are ousted followed by attempts to legalize the situation by calling new elections. This would be the death kiss for the OAS democratic charter and turning the Mercosur democratic charter in mere fiction".[4] On 10 August, the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) also declared that it would not recognise the results of elections held while the de facto Micheletti government remained in power.[5] On 17 August, President Felipe Calderón of Mexico, together with Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, made a similar statement.[6] On September 3, the US State Department issued a statement revoking all non-humanitarian assistance to Honduras and said, of the November 29 elections "At this moment, we would not be able to support the outcome of the scheduled elections".[7]
The U.S. has since changed position and announced that it will recognize the results of the election as a part of the San Jose-Tegucigalpa Accord.[44] Prior to the elections, the OAS advanced a resolution that would have refused to recognize its results.[45] Initially, the U.S. administration pushed for the return of Zelaya, however, subsequently back-tracked on a threat not to recognize the election.[46] The OAS resolution was ultimately blocked by the United States.[45] The U.S. State Department rejected appeals by other Organization of American States (OAS) member nations to condemn what many perceived to be a fraudulent election and, instead, declared the contest "free, fair and transparent."[47] The International Republican Institute, an organization linked to the United States Republican Party, also declared the elections had been "free of violence and overt acts of intimidation".[46] The victory of Porfirio Lobo Sosa was quickly recognized by the United States, which increased military and police aid to the government, despite much of Latin America continuing to view him as an illegal pretender to the Honduran presidency.[48]
^ abcd"Estudio de Opinión Pública – Nivel Nacional"(PDF) (in Spanish). COIMER & OP (Consultores en Investigación de Mercados y Opinión Pública). 2009. Archived(PDF) from the original on 29 December 2009. Retrieved 7 October 2009.
Al SheanShean dalam The Blue Bird (film 1940)LahirAbraham Elieser Adolph Schönberg(1868-05-12)12 Mei 1868Dornum, Provinsi Hanover, Kerajaan Prusia,Konfederasi Jerman UtaraMeninggal12 Agustus 1949(1949-08-12) (umur 81)Manhattan, New York City, Amerika SerikatNama lainAdolf SchönbergAlfred SchönbergAlbert SchönbergPekerjaanPelawak, vaudevillianTahun aktif1912–1944Suami/istriJohanna DavidsonAnak1 Abraham Elieser Adolph Schönberg[1][2][3][4]&...
Yashmak, worn by Halide Edip Yashmak, yashmac atau yasmak (dari bahasa Turki yaşmak, cadar) adalah sebuah jenis cadar atau niqab khas Turki yang dipakai oleh beberapa Muslimah untuk menutup wajah mereka di khalayak umum. Saat ini, nyaris tak ada pemakaian dari garmen ini di Turki. Cadar adalah busana Persia yang diadopsi oleh Arab.[1] Catatan ^ Purdah | Islamic custom. Encyclopedia Britannica (dalam bahasa Inggris). Diakses tanggal 2018-02-08. Sumber Adrienne Lynn Edgar (5 Sept...
Religious practices in Japan Religious believers in Japan (CIA World Factbook)[3] Shinto 70.5% Buddhism 67.2% Christianity 1.5% Other religions 5.9% Total adherents exceeds 100% because many Japanese people practice both Shinto and Buddhism. Religion in Japan (2018 NHK research)[4] No religion 62% Buddhism 31% Shinto 3% Christianity 1% Others 1% No answer 2% A ritual at the Takachiho-gawara, the sa...
Ketepeng kecil Senna tora TaksonomiDivisiTracheophytaSubdivisiSpermatophytesKladAngiospermaeKladmesangiospermsKladeudicotsKladcore eudicotsKladSuperrosidaeKladrosidsKladfabidsOrdoFabalesFamiliFabaceaeSubfamiliCaesalpinioideaeTribusCassieaeGenusSennaSpesiesSenna tora Roxb., 1832 Tata namaBasionimCassia tora (en) Sinonim taksonNumerous, see textEx taxon author (en)L. lbs Senna tora (awalnya dijelaskan oleh Linnaeus sebagai Cassia tora ) adalah spesies tumbuhan dalam famili Fabaceae dan subfamil...
Governing body of association football in Curaçao Curaçao Football FederationCONCACAFFounded1921; 103 years ago (1921)HeadquartersWillemstad, CuraçaoFIFA affiliation1932CONCACAF affiliation1961[1]PresidentRamiro GriffithVice-PresidentSharetti BryanWebsitehttp://www.ffk.cw/ Curaçao Football Federation (Papiamento: Federashon Futbòl Kòrsou; abbreviated as FFK) is the governing body of association football in Curaçao. It is the legal successor of the Netherlands ...
العلاقات التشيكية الفنلندية التشيك فنلندا التشيك فنلندا تعديل مصدري - تعديل العلاقات التشيكية الفنلندية هي العلاقات الثنائية التي تجمع بين التشيك وفنلندا.[1][2][3][4][5] مقارنة بين البلدين هذه مقارنة عامة ومرجعية للدولتين: وجه المقارنة ا�...
County in Minnesota, United States County in MinnesotaPine CountyCountyPine County Courthouse, Pine CityLocation within the U.S. state of MinnesotaMinnesota's location within the U.S.Coordinates: 46°08′N 92°44′W / 46.14°N 92.74°W / 46.14; -92.74Country United StatesState MinnesotaFoundedMarch 1, 1856 (created)1872 (organized)[1]Named forThe abundant pine trees in the areaSeatPine CityLargest cityPine CityArea • Total1,435 sq...
La chiesa parrocchiale è un edificio specificamente dedicato al culto religioso cristiano.[1] Chiesa parrocchiale di Santa Maria Assunta a Riva del Garda. Indice 1 Descrizione 2 Note 3 Bibliografia 4 Voci correlate 5 Altri progetti 6 Collegamenti esterni Descrizione La chiesa parrocchiale è il luogo di riferimento di una parrocchia, che è parte di una diocesi ed è retta da un parroco.[2] Nella denominazione gerarchica la parrocchiale si trova in vari casi ad avere alla sue...
Telecommunications in Cameroon include radio, television, fixed and mobile telephones, and the Internet. History During German rule, It was set up in the protectorate of Kamerun the first telegraph line, the first telephone line, and the first wireless telegraph. However, the country remained undeveloped in telecommunications. During First World War, Germans followed a scorched-earth policy that meant the destruction of communication lines, included telephone and telegraph.[1] In Brit...
Grand Prix Belgia 2018 Lomba ke-13 dari 21 dalam Formula Satu musim 2018← Lomba sebelumnyaLomba berikutnya → Tata letak sirkuit Spa-Francorchamps.Detail perlombaan[1]Tanggal 26 Agustus 2018Nama resmi Formula 1 2018 Johnnie Walker Belgian Grand PrixLokasi Sirkuit Spa-FrancorchampsStavelot, BelgiaSirkuit Fasilitas balapan permanenPanjang sirkuit 7.004 km (4.352 mi)Jarak tempuh 44 putaran, 308.052 km (191.415 mi)Cuaca BerawanPosisi polePembalap Lewis Hamilton Merc...
Kawasan Alam dan Budaya-Sejarah KotorSitus Warisan Dunia UNESCOKriteriaBudaya: i, ii, iii, ivNomor identifikasi125Pengukuhan1979 (3)Endangered1979–2003 Kawasan Alam dan Budaya-Sejarah Kotor adalah sebuah Situs Warisan Dunia UNESCO yang terletak di Montenegro yang diinskripsikan pada 1979. Kawasan tersebut meliputi kota lama Kotor (Bahasa Italia: Cattaro), benteng Kotor, dan kawasan sekitar dari Teluk Kotor. Referensi Koordinat: 42°25′48″N 18°46′12″E / 42.4300�...
سانتي مينا (بالإسبانية: Santi Mina) معلومات شخصية الاسم الكامل سانتياغو مينا لورنزو الميلاد 7 ديسمبر 1995 (العمر 28 سنة)فيغو، إسبانيا الطول 1.81 م (5 قدم 11 1⁄2 بوصة) مركز اللعب مهاجم الجنسية إسبانيا الأب سانتياغو مينه معلومات النادي النادي الحالي الشباب(معار من...
Country code top-level domain for Anguilla This article is about the top-level domain. For the .ai file format, see Adobe Illustrator Artwork. For other uses, see Ai (disambiguation). .aiIntroduced16 February 1995TLD typeCountry code top-level domainStatusActiveRegistryOffshore Information ServicesSponsorGovernment of AnguillaIntended useEntities connected with AnguillaActual useSome use in Anguilla; majorly popular with companies working in the artificial intelligence (AI) industry.Registere...
Cet article est une ébauche concernant une localité de Géorgie (États-Unis). Vous pouvez partager vos connaissances en l’améliorant (comment ?) selon les recommandations des projets correspondants. AlpharettaL’hôtel de ville d’Alpharetta.GéographiePays États-UnisÉtat GéorgieComté comté de FultonSuperficie 70,67 km2 (2010)Surface en eau 1,37 %Altitude 346 mCoordonnées 34° 04′ 24″ N, 84° 16′ 52″ ODémographiePopulat...
نيقوبوليس Никопол مدينة منظر لنيقوبوليس من الحصن الاسم الرسمي (بالبلغارية: Никопол)(بالإنجليزية: Nikopol) الإحداثيات 43°41′55″N 24°53′33″E / 43.698571°N 24.892409°E / 43.698571; 24.892409 [1] تقسيم إداري البلد بلغاريا مقاطعات بلغاريا مقاطعة بلفن الحكومة عمدة Valery Zh...
«Zio Vuja si divertiva a far largo uso di ironia, merce rara nel calcio di oggi, ma era un maestro di sport e si trasformava in battutista per smorzare le tensioni.» (Sebastiano Vernazza, La Gazzetta dello Sport, 30 aprile 2014) Vujadin BoškovBoškov allenatore del Feyenoord, 1976Nazionalità Jugoslavia Jugoslavia (dal 1992) Calcio RuoloAllenatore (ex centrocampista) Termine carriera1º luglio 1964 - giocatore30 agosto 2000 - allenatore CarrieraGiovanili 1946-1950 Sloga Nov...